Saint Grigol Peradze

Diaries

Reviewers

Prof. Wojciech Materski (IPS PAN)

Dr. Paweł Libera (IPN/IH PAN)

Cover

Sylwia Szafrańska

Proofreading

David Kolbaia

Ilona Duchnovič

Index

David Kolbaia

Typesetting

Marcin Koc

On the Cover: Grigol Peradze, Bonn | Germany 1925.

Photograph from the Korneli Kekelidze Georgian National Center of Manuscripts, Tbilisi

On the Back Cover: Grigol Peradze, portrait, Bonn | Germany 1925.

Photograph from the Archive of the Archdiocese of the Orthodox Church in Warsaw

Copyright © David Kolbaia © Henryk Paprocki & The International Commission for the Heritage of Saint Grigol Peradze, 2021

ISBN 978-83-8229-650-1 (mobi)

BIOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE OF SAINT GRIGOL PERADZE

by David Kolbaia

“Citizenship is all about sacrifice. Citizenship is a battle with one’s own milieu, the time, and one’s own self. Citizenship requires understanding, honesty, thinking, courage and wit […] Citizenship requires clear insight, caution, gradualism and humbleness, which by no means is a sign of servility but that of an educated person who is able to listen to someone else’s opinion and to look for and appreciate the humanity in him. Citizenship is all about sacrifice, the act of self-immolation to enlighten others.”[1]

Grigol Peradze

Saint Grigol Peradze was born on 31 August (13 September according to the old calendar) in the village of Bakurtsikhe to the family of Romanoz Peradze, who was a priest, and his wife Mariam Samadalashvili. The child was christened on 16 November 1899 at St. Giorgi Church in Bakurtsikhe. The god-parents were Alexi Samadalov, who was a deacon of Tbilisi Sioni Cathedral, and Elisabed, the wife of Alexander Kusikov. The baptism was administered by Monk Germane.[2] In 1905 Grigol’s father died, and the widowed mother with three juvenile children: Archil, Grigol and Vasili, moved to Tbilisi. When Grigol was seven years old, he was taken to his family by his uncle Giorgi Peradze, who served as a priest at an Orthodox Church in Qvareli. He spent five years there. When Grigol reached school age, he was sent by his mother to Tbilisi Theological School. After graduating he continued his studies at Tbilisi Theological Seminary. Korneli Kekelidze, a well-known scholar, was the Dean of the Seminary at the time. Kekelidze used to take special care of talented students. It was through Korneli Kekelidze’s intercession that the Catholicosat Council of Georgia requested General von Kress to help in sending Grigol Peradze to Germany to study theology. As evidenced by the General’s response letter of 4 September 1918, he promised to assist, but the German revolution thwarted those plans.

Meanwhile, Grigol started teaching in the village of Zemo Khandaki in Gori District, though he did not stay there long. In 1919‒1921, he was on military service in three cities consecutively: Gori, Borjomi and Akhaltsikhe. In March 1921, he again worked as a school teacher, this time at Manavi village.[3] Then he resumed his studies at Tbilisi State University.[4] In 1921, the Catholicosat Council of Georgia chaired by Patriarch Ambrosi Khelaia once again lent a helping hand to Grigol to go to Germany[5] and acquire profound knowledge in theology. Professor Korneli Kekelidze, Arthur Leist and Dr. Johannes Lepsius offered him great support in achieving this goal.

Below is a short excerpt from Grigol Peradze’s diary revealing the state the society and church were in shortly after the Red Army‘s conquest of Tbilisi and the proclamation of the Soviet Republic in Georgia:

Here, in Sioni Cathedral, one of the oldest in Georgia, which was built in the 10th century and which enshrines several exquisite icons of Mother Mary and the Cross of St. Nino, the most important relic of the country, there was a scarcity of worshippers that day. Catholicos-Patriarch Leonide celebrated the Holy Mass accompanied by only a few priests. I stopped at the entrance as if petrified, not seeing anything. I even failed to approach the Patriarch when the worshippers closed in around him. At the end of the service, while leaving the church, the Patriarch noticed me and said: “Christ is risen!” I responded quite automatically as a rule and followed him. It was dawn and the street leading to the Patriarch’s Residence, previously crowded during the Easter Holiday, now gloomy and deserted, even the window shutters were closed. The whole city seemed to be indifferent and unresponsive to the glory of the greatest Holiday. The Patriarch, completely alone, walked the street towards his residence, with no priest to follow. I was walking nearby when at the crossroad, on the street corner, two Red Army soldiers came up. They threw a scornful glance at the Patriarch and went on. Nevertheless, a superintendant sitting at the entrance of one of the houses was aroused by seeing His Holiness. Before entering the residence, the Patriarch turned around and grabbed me with his both hands. Then, with fatherly voice full of sadness and pain, he told me: “I am completely devastated. Go abroad, save your youth.”[6]

Before setting off to Germany Grigol Peradze lived in Tbilisi at N 9 Sakdari (Church) Street in the 9th District. In 1921 he addressed the Charity Society[7] for help and the same year he was sent to Germany. From that moment on his destiny took shape. Since then, despite repeated attempts, he could no longer return to his homeland: his future was linked with Europe for good and ill.

Dear Sir, the person who brought this letter, a young Georgian, Grigol Peradze, intends to study Evangelist Theology in Berlin in order to later take care of the moral and spiritual development of the Georgian clergy. Mister Peradze is very motivated. He was very warmly introduced to me by the Patriarch of All Georgia. However, the lack of funds and the current plight of the Georgian Church do not give us reason to believe that the young man will be able to pay for his studies. But for the cultural policy of Germany it would be very important to include the Georgian Church in the sphere of interest of German science, so it is very substantial to financially support this person in Berlin […] therefore, the patriarch of the Georgian church asked to convey this message to the local Germans. With Deep Respects, Arthur Leist, writer Tbilisi, 10 October 1921.[8]

Arthur Leist’s letter was addressed to Johannes Lepsius,9 at whose place Grigol lived upon his arrival in Germany. Lepsius received him with great care, helped him to become a student of the Faculty of Theology[10] at the University of Berlin and awarded him a scholarship.

Richard Scheffer’s family helped Grigol master the German language. He began his studies at the University of Berlin on 12 May 1922 under the guidance of such outstanding specialists as Adolf von Harnack,[11] Gustaf Adolf Deissmann,[12] Karl Holl[13] and Bruno Meissner.[14] In addition to theology, Peradze was also learning the Old Hebrew, Ancient Greek, Syriac, Arabic, Coptic, Latin, Old Slavonic and Old Armenian languages. At the same time, Grigol started learning English, French, Danish, and Polish. At first, he intended to write a scientific study on the life and activity of Giorgi Atoneli (1000‒1065), but failed to find the necessary literature in Berlin. So following the advice of Professor Richard Meckelein,[15] who taught the Georgian language at the University of Berlin Grigol addressed Professor Heinrich Goussen[16] who owned an exquisite library in Bonn and was well-versed in Georgian history and literature. Due to economic crisis in Germany, from August 1924 to December 1925, Grigol Peradze stayed with a priest’s family in Rødby on the island of Lolland in Denmark, where he continued his work on the topic of church history.[17] He worked at the private library of Professor Goussen for about 14 days during Christmas Holidays.

On his return to Berlin, Peradze was persuaded by Dr. Lepsius to continue his studies in Bonn, where he moved on 29 April 1925 and enrolled in the Faculty of Philosophy to deepen his knowledge in religion and oriental languages. He received a Ph.D. for his work Geschichte des Georgischen Mönchtums von ihren Anfängen bis zum Jahre 1064. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der orientalischen Mönchtums [History of Georgian monasticism from its creation until 1064. A contribution to the history of the Oriental monasticism]. Grigol Peradze wrote:

What Dr. Lepsius had suggested to me was reinforced by Professor Goussen. They both advised that it was already time to start working on the Georgian theme. Goussen had generously placed his entire library at my disposal and helped me with his great knowledge and experience completely free of charge. With his support, I met Paul Peeters,[18] who is considered the king of Oriental studies. To this acquaintance, which later became a close friendship, I owed many creative impulses.

In Bonn, Peradze studied with Paul Kahle,[19] Anton Baumstark,[20] Karl Klement and Albers Josef Erhardt.[21] The first work by Peradze Geschichte des georgischen Mönchtums von ihren Anfängen bis zum Jahre 1064 was not printed in full. The first part of the work, The beginning of Monasticism in Georgia, was published in Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte.[22] The following part was published in the French magazine Revue d’Histoire Ecclésiastique.[23] And the final part in Internationale Kirchliche Zeitschrift released in Bern.[24]

While visiting Wiesbaden in autumn 1925, he met Dr. Lepsius for the last time,[25] as the latter died in February 1926. Grigol Peradze intended to go back to his homeland after graduating from the University and receiving a doctorate. For this reason he addressed the Soviet Embassy to Germany. As no response followed, upon the advice of the Director of the Eastern Mission of Germany, Grigol Peradze set off to Belgium on a scientific trip to work with the prominent Kartvelologist and Bollandist Paul Peeters. He was also intent upon devoting some time to the study of Catholic theology at the old University of Leuven. In Leuven, in 1926‒1927, he attended lectures, studied old Georgian books at the Bollandist library, and had talks with Paul Peeters on Georgian hagiography and church history. Here he prepared a scientific study entitled Die Probleme der ältesten Kirchengeschichte Georgiens.[26] As he puts it in his autobiography, here he changed his plans and instead of scholasticism pitched in learning patrology, church history, and Oriental studies.[27]

Starting from 1927, Grigol Peradze was engaged in scientific activities in England. There at the libraries of Oxford University and the British Museum he got acquainted with the oldest manuscripts of the writings by the Church Fathers. He also worked at the book depositories that were world famous for their Oriental manuscripts, namely at Selby Oak College in Birmingham and John Ryland’s Library in Manchester, as well as Professor Gasterr’s library in London.

In 1927, Professor Goussen died in Bonn, and his position was offered to Grigol Peradze. “I believe that in Germany there is not a single scholar who could substitute Professor Goussen, even if only to a small degree. I know of nobody aside from Peters who has mastered the Eastern languages to such a degree. I was to teach Old Aramaic and Old Georgian only.”[28]

While working in Bonn, Grigol Peradze had all the conditions to achieve his objectives. The library of Professor Goussen, which the latter had bequeathed to the cardinal of Cologne, remained for thirty years at the disposal of Bonn University, and there always were people interested in the Georgian and Armenian languages. In 1927, he became a Privatdozent at the Bonn University. In 1928, Bonn hosted the congress of Oriental scholars, where Grigol Peradze presented a paper on Georgian pre-Byzantine liturgy. Later, in 1930, when a congress of Orientalists took place in Vienna, he made a review on the issues of the Georgian translation of the New Testament.

In 1927, Peradze participated in the second world conference Faith and Ecclesiastical Order. It was at this conference, in Lausanne, that Grigol met Metropolitan Dionizy Waledyński,[29] the head of the Orthodox Church of All Poland. Grigol published an article about the work of this conference in the journal Der Orient, where he described his impressions in detail.

On 18 April 1931, Grigol took monastic vows at the Greek Cathedral in Paris; just the following day, on 19 April he was ordained deacon and a bit later, on 25 May he was ordained as a priest by the Exarch of the World Patriarchate at St. Stephen’s Greek Orthodox Church. All this came about as a result of a spiritual experience during a severe illness, which he described in the poem Cherubim Hymn:

Today we understand the past; I felt that I meet,

Judgement was announced, I became a slave to death [...].

Stay with her people, become a bridge to heaven [...]

The seal of silence, you should remove the paragraph,

I become the patron saint of the children of Kartlosa [...].

Are you ready to die, to destroy, is the burning to be thy fate.[30]

In Paris, Peradze made contact with the Georgian community. He was actively involved in all matters concerning the formation of the congregation and eventually was appointed minister to the newly-founded St. Nino Georgian church. In August 1931, the magazine of Jvari vazisa (grapevine cross) began to be published under his editorship. Although the magazine existed for quite a short time (1931‒1934), it played an essential role and occupied an outstanding place in the history of émigré Georgian journalism.[31] Parallel to sacerdotal service[32] in Paris, Grigol Peradze was actively engaged in researching and teaching: he read reports and made presentations on the ancient Georgian culture and early Christianity as well as Eastern churches at the Sorbonne, Oxford, Cracow, and Dublin universities, and at the same time undertook profound research in Georgian manuscripts.

In 1933, Grigol Peradze was invited by Metropolitan Dionizy (Waledyński) to teach at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology, University of Warsaw as a professor of patristics. Thus he was given the opportunity to travel to Paris to meet the St. Nino Church parishioners twice a year as well as to make long study trips abroad[33] during the summer and Christmas holidays. On 7 December 1933, Grigol Peradze read the inaugural paper titled Patrologiis roli, amotsanebi da metodebi martlmadideblur teologiashi.[34]

In 1934, Father Grigol was elevated to the rank of archimandrite at the Greek Orthodox St. Sophia Cathedral in London. On 25 May the same year, following Metropolitan Dionizy‘s instruction, Bishop Saba of Lublin[35] awarded the mitre to him.

In 1934, Grigol travelled to Germany and made an inventory of the Georgian manuscripts stored in the libraries of Leipzig, Berlin, and Götingen. At Leipzig University he discovered a book of the offerings to the dead (Agapai) from the Monastery of the Cross in Jerusalem, known as Tischendorf’s List.[36] In 1935, he spent several months on Mount Athos in Greece. He also visited the Petritsoni Monastery in Bulgaria and discovered the hitherto unknown manuscript “Typikon” from the same monastery at the Sofia National Library.[37] In 1936, he traveled to Jerusalem and Syria, where he discovered numerous Georgian inscriptions. While in the Holy Land, he was especially interested in the records of the pilgrims. On his return to Warsaw, he wrote Róże Jerychońskie. Dziennik podróży do Ziemi Świętej i Syrii (9. VII.‒28. IX. 1936) The Roses of Jericho. Diary of a Journey through the Holy Land and Syria, 5 July – 28 September 1936)].[38]

In 1937, he went to Vienna, to the University of Graz to become familiar with Schuhard’s[39] Georgian collection. In 1937, the jubilee of Shota Rustaveli was celebrated in Warsaw. Peradze’s report in this regard was included in the book[40] published by the Warsaw Georgian Committee. In Lublin, with the assistance of Grigol Peradze and Giorgi Nakashidze, Józef Łobodowski[41] made a Polish translation of Rustaveli’s epic poem The Knight in the Panther’s Skin.[42] Grigol Peradze took part in the International Congress of Orientalists in Brussels in September 1938. Upon his return to Warsaw, he wrote a scientific work based on the report he had read in Brussels in the section of the Christian East. It was published in the magazine Elpis, the scientific publication of the Faculty of Philology at the University of Warsaw. There he published several of his reviews.

Most of Peradze’s scientific works are written in German, English, French, and Polish. Outstanding Georgian scientists, such as Ivane Javakhishvili and Korneli Kekelidze were familiar with and often referred to his works (Javakhishvili, The History of Georgian Nation, vol. 1, pp. 329‒332, 334; Kekelidze, The History of Georgian Literature, vol. 1, pp. 25, 137, 553).

Peradze’s research, reviewed and appreciated by A. Baumstarck, M. Tarkhnishvili, G. Deeters, R. Jeanen and others, up to now alas, remains little known among the contemporary Georgian scientific circles. So his large heritage is yet to be explored and assessed.

Grigol Peradze was a poet; his language is characterized by archaic forms and folk vocabulary. He often used words from chants, psalms, and Georgian songs. He used to publish his lyrics in Kartlos magazine under the pen name Gan-phar. The last verse Grigol Peradze left at the editorial office was dated 11 November 1938.

Lonely I was throughout my life,

And lonely I will meet the white blanket of snow,

The road was long, and the journey lingering,

How short it happens to be for an orphan pilgrim.[43]

Grigol Peradze was a member of many international scientific organizations and communities; he also collaborated with various scientific journals. In May 1939, he was invited to participate in the international congress of Byzantologists that was supposed to take place in autumn that year in Algeria. As part of his preparations for the conference, he sent an essay in French on the cloistral charter of the Bachkovo (Petritsoni) monastery to Professor Gabrielle Millet to be reviewed. But after a meeting at the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he decided to cancel his trip:

Hence, I gave up my plans because I have a relatively large library in Warsaw, approximately 2,000 volumes, including rare Georgian and patristic works. I decided that I could not leave the legacy of my life and work in Europe, all those treasures, at the mercy of fate. Thus, I remained in Warsaw also during its capture even though it was made possible for foreigners to leave the city. Owing to God’s Providence both my collection and modest apartment survived intact. Filled with faith and hope in Divine Providence, I continue looking into the future.[44]

In May 1942, he was arrested by the Gestapo on charges of of helping and providing shelter to Nazi-persecuted Jews. Subsequent search of his apartment resulted in confiscation of his entire collection; valuable manuscripts and church utensils he had bought and collected throughout his trips disappeared forever. Unfortunately, there is very little information about the last years of Grigol Peradze’s life in Poland and about his martyrdom. That is why any evidence provided by our compatriots, those who lived in Europe and knew him personally, is very valuable. In this regard, the unpublished manuscript by Vitalis (Taliko) Ugrekhelide,[45] the outstanding representative of the Georgian expatriate community in Europe, preserved at the Polish Library in London[46], may be of particular importance to us:

A renowned young Georgian monk, Grigol Peradze, came to live in Warsaw and settled not far from the Orthodox cathedral, in a place where Synodical buildings stood. Monk Peradze was a Doctor of Theology in London, Paris, Berlin and anywhere else where there are well-known Universities throughout Europe and Britain. Due to the war he stayed in Warsaw and lived in a tiny room.[47] His library was invaluable, as he collected rare Georgian books scattered all over Europe and the Middle East. He had manuscripts from the Mount Athos Monastery. There were two large Chant Books, too. Each volume had over four hundred pages. It may be said Peradze’s book repository represented an actual treasure trove! Mister G. A. assigned Mr. B. M. to Grigol Peradze to spy on him. B. M. was a blockhead and scoundrel at the same time, as well as a hollow and quite evil man. He contacted the monk and won his confidence obtain information. Monk Peradze became used to him and eventually opened up to him: he removed a large icon from the wall, which covered the cache, took out a large brick and then a paper from there and read him all about the evil actions of G. A. B. M., the spy, immediately ran and told everything to General Al. K. The latter, along with G.A. and Colonel N. K., were already members of the Gestapo. They sent people to arrest the monk. Grigol Peradze was sent to the strict regime camp, where he died six weeks later. Thus, G. A., knowing all the atrocities,  sent the monk out of this world and, at the same time rewarded B. M. with money and a position at the Caucasus Club. The paper Grigol Peradze used to keep in the cache was taken to a place where G. A. was in command. That was the confiscated palace of Count Branicki, taken by Germans; the owners were kicked out and the Kaukasische Vertrauensstelle was established there. G. A. was in charge of this institution Georgians, Armenians, Azeri and Caucasian Highlanders were under his authority. Each Caucasian Group had its own head and all of them where subject to the same G. A., who controlled people just like Hitler. He had his own spies and accomplices, who would acquire great benefits. His main support was S. K. With the help from G. A., he got a profitable job from the Nazis he was appointed a commissioner at the so-called Kommisarische Verwaltung. There he was in charge of Jews’ houses. As we know, Jews were deprived of all their property and were exterminated. A great deal of their assets and other wealth went to G. A. and S. K.[48]

Let us refer to another excerpt from Ugrekhelidze’s letter:

[…] the monk’s paper was delivered to the club. A large room was filled with his things. When I found out about this, I immediately ran there with the intention to save at least the Chant Books from the Gestapo. I entered the room and saw Colonel Ch., who told me that they had already made an inventory. The books could not be touched anymore. But I saw some books left on the table and the Gospel with a brown cover, so I started walking around the room at the same time talking with Colonel Ch. In a moment he turned around, I took my chance and thrust it in my pocket. I left the room in a few seconds and I have had the Gospel since then. The rest of the library was taken by the Gestapo and lost forever. They came to look for the Gospel on the second or third day. Colonel Ch. even asked me if I knew something about it but I pretended ignorance and started a conversation off in a different direction. He said it had caused a considerable mess.[49]

Grigol Peradze was put in Warsaw Pawiak prison. He handed over his apartment by power of attorney to Deacon Eugene Berkman-Karenin, a clerk at the Warsaw Metropolitanate and entrusted him to manage his property: “Please turn over my apartment with its furniture to someone from the Consistory. [...] If I do not return, I bequeath my library to the Metropolitanate. Sell all my belongings, clothing, shoes, linen and everything else, and donate the proceeds to our parish orphanage in Wola. [...] Turn my Georgian books and documents as well as icons over to the Georgian Church after the war is ended.” There are seven documents at the Warsaw Orthodox Metropolitanate, which enable us to reconstruct the picture of Grigol Peradze’s stay in Warsaw Pawiak prison: 1) The record of sealing of Grigol Peradze’s apartment was drawn up on 5 May 1942; 2) The record of search of his apartments was drawn up in Russian on 28 May 1942; 3) The power of attorney executed in the name of the Deacon of the Warsaw Metropolitanate, Jerzy Berkman-Karenin, signed by Grigol Peradze and dated 10 June 1942; 4) The record of the inventory of the arrested person’s personal belongings intended to be transferred to Grigol Peradze, compiled in Polish and dated 10 June 1942; 5) Grigol Peradze’s letter to Deacon Jerzy Berkman-Karenin, written in German; dated 20 June 1942; 6) An official note of Grigol Peradze’s death written in German and dated 11 December 1942; 7) A letter from the Warsaw Orthodox Metropolitanate to the commandant of the Auschwitz concentration camp written in German and dated 15 December 1942.

Despite the harshest circumstances, the Polish Orthodox Church did everything in its power to free the prisoner, but all their efforts were in vain. Metropolitan Dionizy and Giorgi Nakashidze‘s attempt to save him also proved to be unsuccessful. Immediately after his arrest, on 5 May, one of his two apartments was sealed. Afterwards, Protopriest Jan Kowalenko sealed the apartment where Peradze had lived. It was in Warsaw at 11 Brukowa Street. On 28 May, the secret police searched this apartment and found British Pound and US Dollar banknotes hidden in his library behind the books. The Gestapo claimed the money belonged to the Jewish Relief Fund and thus represented an incontrovertible proof of his crime.

On 10 June 1942, during his stay at Pawiak prison, Father Grigol entrusted the care of his apartment to Deacon Berkman-Karenin. At his request, his linen and his autumn coat were taken to him in prison. The letter intended for Deacon Berkman-Karenin actually represents a will, in which Father Grigol expresses his wishes concerning his property. It reads that the apartment should be handed over to one of the members of the consistory and, in case he fails to return, his library should be transferred to the Metropolitante; his belongings to be sold out and the proceeds distributed among the orphans of their congregation in Wola. The Georgian books and icons should be transferred to the Church of Georgia[50] as soon as the war is over.

It is likely that Grigol was transported to the Auschwitz concentration camp on 18 November. Further attempts to release the prisoner proved fruitless. On 11 December, the commandant of Auschwitz, Rudolf Höss, sent a telegram message to Deacon Berkman-Karenin conveying the news that Father Grigol Peradze had died at the camp on 6 December 1942 at 4:45 p.m. At the end of the war, in 1945, further details on Father Grigol’s death were reported by two former prisoners of the Auschwitz extermination camp to Warsaw Metropolitanate. According to their story, Father Grigol, of his own free will took the blame for others and confessed to a crime he had not committed. Besides, as was said by the same witnesses, Father Grigol had stolen bread and given it to the emaciated prisoners. In response, by the order of Nazis, he was given to be torn apart by dogs, then doused with gasoline and burnt in front of the whole camp. Unfortunately, no one wrote down their testimonies, or they have simply been lost and are still to be discovered. Metropolitan Dionizy wrote in his letter dated 1 February 1946 to Patriarch Alexius I: “Professor of Theology of our Section, Archimandrite Grigol Peradze, Ph.D., Georgian, a graduate of the seminary in Tbilisi, and the Universities of Bonn and Oxford, a multi-linguist expert in Russian, Georgian, French, German, and English, was arrested and deported to Auschwitz and was executed there.”[51] Henryk Paprocki suggests that this information was linked with the story told by those two former prisoners.[52]

The circumstances of Grigol Peradze’s death still remain somehow vague and obscured for the modern hagiographers and historians. Did he enter the gas chamber instead of a prisoner with many children, or did this terrible punishment, burning alive or shooting in front of all the concentration camp follow his admission of someone else’s guilt?

“It’s probably still impossible to confirm convincingly the historical truth but what we can say with good reason is that Grigol Peradze, as befits the righteous man, laid down his own life without hesitation and set an example of self-sacrifice for the sake of his neighbor.”[53]

According to Henryk Paprocki, shortly after World War II, the Georgian Orthodox Church began the process of canonization of Father Grigol. Parallel to this, it was made possible to study his life and martyrdom. At one time Giorgi NakashidzeProfessor at University ofWarsaw, handed over important materials related to both World War II and the post-war periods[54] to Rezo Tabukashvili, a documentary filmmaker. Now it is a known fact that more than a hundred Georgian contract officers as well as six generals served in the Polish army in 1921‒1939.[55] In addition, there were a sufficient number of doctors, scientists, and government officials who lived and worked in Poland. General Alexandre Zakariadze, who led the officers, and several representatives of the Diaspora were members of the League of Prometheus[56] operating in Poland since 1925. The Georgian Diaspora led by Joseph Salakaia and Kote Imnadze, the former adjutant to Prime Minister Noe Zhordania, had only one cleric, Grigol Peradze.

Everything changed after the Nazi conquest of Poland: the occupation authorities disbanded the existing Georgian Committee and replaced it with a pro-fascist Caucasian Committee consisting of several people. Grigol Peradze dissociated himself from this group.

“Enjoying full support from the occupation authorities, the Caucasian Committee exercised power and did much evil. The indictment drawn up by the Georgian officers in the post-war period against the leader of the group sheds light on the circumstances of Grigol Peradze‘s arrest. Here I will not give the names of those people, but it is a known fact that they had reported Grigol Peradze, after which he was arrested“,[57] says Paprocki. Pursuant to the documents found and eyewitness accounts, the canonization of Grigol Peradze became possible and on 19 September 1995. Father Grigol became a Holy Martyr.[58]

The Act of canonization was proclaimed by Catholicos-Patriarch Ilia II at Svetitskhoveli Cathedral in Mtskheta: “In the name of the Father, and the Son and the Holy Spirit, and the Holy council of the Autocephalous Georgian Orthodox Church, I announce that Father Grigol Peradze, the archimandrite shall be canonized as a saint and henceforth be called a Saint Martyr. Amen.”

Henryk Paprocki, a biographer of Grigol Peradze, made an immeasurable contribution to the study of his life and subsequent canonization. He used to express the desire to finally collect and publish the scientific works by the prematurely dead great scientist; the works that nowadays are scatted throughout Europe and are often inaccessible to the general public. According to Paprocki, this would be the manifestation of deep respect towards the great son of Georgia, whom the destiny had led to Warsaw and then to his death in Auschwitz concentration camp.

The publication of Grigol Peradze’s Diary is an attempt to showcase his contribution to the promotion and preservation of Georgian culture as well as give respect to his blessed memory.

[1] Grigol Peradze, “Shinaarsi cheshmariti mokalakeobisa (mamao chvenos ganmarteba)”, Jvari vazisa, Paris, 3 (1933) [= St. Grigol Peradze, About the Pre-Byzantine Georgian Liturgy, Patrologia, Poetry, Sermons, II, ed. D. Kolbaia, (Warsaw, 2014), pp. 307-347 (in Georgian)].

[2] The information is given according to Grigol Peradze’s Birth and Baptism Certificates from St. Giorgi Church in the village of Bakurtsikhe, 4 April 1919 see St. Grigol Peradze, History of Monasticism in Georgia. Early History of the Georgian Church, I, ed. D. Kolbaia, (Warsaw, 2012), p. 355 (in Georgian).

[3] Ibid., “Work questionnaire of 1933,” pp. 361‒365.

[4] After graduating from Tbilisi Theological Seminary in 1918, he went to Tbilisi University. See St. Grigol Peradze, History of Monasticism in Georgia. Early History of the Georgian Church, I, ed. D. Kolbaia, p. 358.

[5] A fragment of a letter from Ambrosi Khelaia, the Catholicos-Patriarch of All Georgia, to the German Embassy in Tbilisi: “The church of Georgia is going through a difficult time that is aggravated by the scarcity of a well-educated ecclesiastical order. Erstwhile the Georgian youth used to receive a higher theological education in Russian Academies. Theology, while considered to be an ‘official’ subject of study there, all the same was far from modern science. Nowadays, according to the modern view, one can reject the Russian theology and, just as it works in the Greek and Armenian Churches, send our youth to Germany, where theological teaching has reached a very high level.”

[6] G. Peradze, “Droga do zwycięstwa,” Polska Stronica Słowa 2 (1937): 18‒19 [= “Gza gamarjvebisaken” in St. Grigol Peradze, About the Pre-Byzantine Georgian Liturgy, Patrologia, Poetry, Sermons, II, ed. D. Kolbaia, pp. 361-366].

[7] “I am eager to continue my studies in Germany. Now this desire is even more intensified. The German mission following a petition from the Catholicosat Council, covered the transport costs to Berlin. I already have all the necessary papers from the government; at the same time I received simultaneous support from the Society of Shepherd and the Catholicosat Council. Before receiving the scholarship, I have to live in Germany on my own money for four, or five months. Because of poverty, I cannot afford that much money, so I earnestly ask you to help me in giving the opportunity to fulfill my holy assignment to serve my beloved homeland”. St. Grigol Peradze, History of Monasticism in Georgia. Early History of the Georgian Church, I, ed. D. Kolbaia, p. 356.

[8] T. Tchumburidze, Kartuli khelnatserebis shestsavla uckhoetshi. Grigol Peradzis arkeograpiuli dziebani, Tbilisi, 2006).

[9] Johannes Lepsius (1858-1926) — a son of the famous Egyptologist Karl Lepsius (1810‒1884),. He was an Evangelical pastor and missionary. In 1895, he helped the Armenian population set up the Deutsche Orient-Mission, which published the periodical Der Orient (1919‒1936). He facilitated Grigol Peradze’s arrival in Germany in 1921.

[10] ‘The Wilhelm Frederick University Credit Book’ in St. Grigol Peradze, History of Monasticism in Georgia. Early History of the Georgian Church, I, ed. D. Kolbaia, pp. 366-376.

[11] Adolf von Harnack (1851‒1930) — a church historian, patrologist and scholar of Georgian theology. With Harnack’s comments, Ivane Javakhishvili published Evstate mtskhetelis martviloba.

[12] Gustaf Adolf Deissmann (1866‒1937) — a German scientist and philologist.

[13] Karl Holl (1866‒1926) — a historian of the Lutheran Church.

[14] Bruno Meissner (1868‒1947) — a German Assiriologist and archaeologist, who became Professor at Berlin University in 1921.

[15] Richard Meckelein (1880‒1948) — a German philologist, professor of Caucasian and Slavic languages at the University of Berlin.

[16] Heinrich Goussen (1863‒1927) — a German Orientalist, Professor at Bonn University. Cf. A. Baumstark, ‘Heinrich Goussen,’ OC 24 (1927): 356‒360. H. Kaufhold, OS 81 (2007): 213‒227.

[17] ‘Grigol Peradze's letter to Johannes Lepsius, Rødby (Denmark), August 1924,’ Artanuji 11 (2003): 9‒100.

[18] Paul Peeters (1870‒1950) — a Belgian scholar, Orientalist, and Kartvelologist. Cf.: P. Devos, Le R.P. Paul Peeters (Bruxelles, 1951).

[19] Paul Ernst Kahle (1875‒1964) — a German Orientalist and philologist.

[20] Anton Baumstark (1872‒1948) — a German theologian and historian of liturgy.

[21] Albert Joseph Maria Erhardt (1862‒1940) — a German Catholic priest, historian of church and culture, patrologist and Byzantinist.

[22] G. Peradze, ‘Die Anfange des Monchtums in Georgien,’ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, vol. 1, no. 46 (1927): 34‒75; separate edition: (Gotha, 1927), p. 43, plus three unpaginated pages [= ‘Początki monastycyzmu w Gruzji,’ Pro Georgia 17 (2008): 7‒43 = St. Grigol Peradze, Dzieła zebrane, O monastycyzmie gruzińskim, O Liturgii gruzińskiej, vol. 1, pp. 81‒116] = ‘The History of Priesthood in Georgia ‒ The Earliest History of Georgian Church,’ St. Grigol Peradze, History of Monasticism in Georgia. Early History of the Georgian Church, I, ed. D. Kolbaia, Warsaw, 2012; R. Janin, Écho d’Orient 26 (1927): 381‒382; J. Lebon, RHE 24 (1928): 487‒488; S. Hilpisch, OC, vol. 3‒4, no. 25‒26 (1928‒1929): 296, series 3; Ivane Javakhishvili, The History of Georgian Nation, vol. 1 (Tbilisi, 1928) (in Georgian).

[23] G. Peradze, ‘L’ activite litteraire des moines georgiens au monast`ere d’Iviron au mont Athos,’ RHE vol. 3, no. 23 (1927): 530‒539; [= ‘Literary Activity of Georgian Monks from Athony Mount Iviron Monastery,’ in St. Grigol Peradze, Bermonazvnobis istoriisatvis sakartveloshi kartuli eklesiis udzvelesi istoria, I, pp. 133‒146].

[24] G. Peradze, “Uber das georgischen Monchtum,” IKZ 34 (1926), Neue Folge 16, 3(135), pp. 152‒168; [“O monastycyzmie gruzińskim,” Pro Georgia 17 (2008): 77‒90; [= ‘Kartuli bermonazvnobis shesakheb,’ in St. Grigol Peradze, History of Monasticism in Georgia. Early History of the Georgian Church, I, ed. D. Kolbaia, pp. 147-164].

[25] Grigol Peradze dedicated a separate work to him — Dem Andenken von D. Johannes Lepsius, see: G. Peradze, Die Anfange des Monchtums in Georgien (Gotha, 1927), p. 3.

[26] G. Peradze, ‘Die Probleme der altesten Kirchengeschichte Georgiens,’ OC, vol. 7, no. 29 (1932), series 3, Festschrift Anton Baumstark zum 70. Geburtstag; Review: O. G. von Wesendonk, Völkische Kultur 5 (1933): 89‒93.

[27] G. Peradze, ‘Pojęcie, zadania i metody patrologii w teologii prawosławnej,’ Elpis, vol. 1, no. 8 (1934): 209‒218. (Review in French, pp. 243‒244). Separate edition: (Warsaw: Drukarnia Synodalna, 1934), p. 12. [= Pro Georgia 13 (2006): 157‒165 = ‘Patrologiis gageba, amotsanebi da metodebi martlmadideblur teologiashi’ in St. Grigol Peradze, About the Pre-Byzantine Georgian Liturgy, Patrologia, Poetry, Sermons, II, ed. D. Kolbaia, pp. 73-86 = Św. Grzegorz Peradze, Dzieła zebrane, O patrologii, O historii Kościoła, vol. 2, ed. H. Paprocki (Warsaw, 2011), pp. 157‒166].

[28] ‘Im Dienste der georgischen Kultur (1926‒1940),’ in Aus der Welt des Ostens (Kaliningrad, 1941), pp. 30‒50; [= ‘Kartuli kulturis samsakhurshi,’ in St. Grigol Peradze, History of Monasticism in Georgia. Early History of the Georgian Church, I, ed. D. Kolbaia, pp. 51-86].

[29] Dionizy (Konstanty Waledyński, 1876‒1960) — Polish priest. In 1923, he was ordained and enthroned as the Metropolitan Bishop of All Poland and Warsaw. In 1924, the Patriarch of Constantinople officially recognized the independence of the Polish Orthodox Church without the Russian Patriarchy's consent. In 1948, Metropolitan Dionizy was removed from the administration of the Polish Orthodox Church by the Russian Communists. See S. Dudra, Metropolita Dionizy (Waledyński) 1876‒1960 (Warszawska Metropolia Prawosławna, 2010); K. Urban, „Przyczynek do losów metropolity Dionizego Waledyńskiego po II wojnie światowej,” Wiadomości Polskiego Autokefalicznego Kościoła Prawosławnego 4 (1990); A. Mironowicz, Kościół prawosławny na ziemiach polskich w XIX i XX wieku (Białystok, 2001).

[30] St. Grigol Peradze, About the Pre-Byzantine Georgian Liturgy, Patrologia, Poetry, Sermons, II, ed. D. Kolbaia, (Warsaw, 2014), pp. 233-252.

[31] About the Pre-Byzantine Georgian Liturgy, Patrologia, Poetry, Sermons, II, ed. D. Kolbaia, (Warsaw, 2014), pp. 233-252.

[32] See the official periodical of St. Nino Georgian Emigré Community published by Grigol Peradze once a year for the Easter Holidays, which was obligatory for every parishioner, vol. 1, Paris (1933): 2‒3. “The Church Life: Church services were conducted every Sunday during Grigol Peradze’s stay in Paris. “The first service was performed on 31 May1931, then, from 9 August till the end of October and from Christmas till 14 January. In 1932 ‒ from April, through July and August, and also on 25 and 30 December. In 1933, in a period of time from 1 January till the Divine Mercy Sunday that fell on 23 April the children were baptized as follows: 1) 31 May 1933 — Artchil‒Tariel‒Robert, the son of Artchil Zourabichvili 2) 29 August — Mariam-Medea, the daughter of Grigol Uratadze 3) On 20 September — Susanna, the daughter of Vaso Tsitskishvili 4) 22 September — Tamara-Johanna-Elisabed, the daughter of Mikheil Khundadze 5) 27 October — Ketevan, the daughter of Alexandre Jincharadze 6) 6 January 1932 — Tinatin, the daughter of Joseph Sarjveladze 7) 14 January — David-Revaz and Nino-Natela, the children of Shota Nikoladze 8) 23 April — Theodora, the daughter of Spiridon Kedia 9) 19 June — Zinobia-Zeinab, the daughter of Meki Kedia 10) 29 August — Joseb-Otari, the son of Dimitri Amilakhvari. Weddings: 1) 30 September 1931, Joanne Eugene Maria Victor Touranjean married Natalia Bagrationi. 2) 26 February 1933 — Evgeni Sturua married Tamar, the daughter of Evgeni Gegetchkori 3) On 19 December 1932 in Warsaw, Nikoloz Kvariani married Sidonia Novak. Funerals: 1) 20 May 1931 — Nikoloz Iashvili 2) 9 September — Svimon Tsereteli (former Marshal) 3) 26 March 1933 — Natalie, the wife of Akaki Tsereteli.”

[33] Grigol Peradze wrote about his study trips as follows: “The church has two main responsibilities: one is the religious or spiritual activity and the other is the preservation of the church traditions, in the scientific direction. The latter, I must confess, attracts me more. In this realm I rely solely on myself, whereas in the field of the church work, I have to depend on others too, who sometimes fall short of expectations. […] everyone knows I am often compelled to leave Paris. This happens primarily due to the fact that I am either invited to lecture, as it was last year in Oxford, or to pursue my scientific work, since no book repository in Europe has the complete list of the Georgian books I need. Secondly, because of the poverty of our congregation, I am forced to constantly travel to other countries, for example, to Poland in order to collect additional funds for our church.”

[34] Grigol Peradze, “Patrologiis gageba, amotsanebi da metodebi martlmadideblur teologiashi”, St. Grigol Peradze, About the Pre-Byzantine Georgian Liturgy, Patrologia, Poetry, Sermons, II, ed. D. Kolbaia, pp. 73-86.

[35] The Warsaw Orthodox Metropolitan Archive, a letter by Saba, the Bishop of Lublin to Dionizy, the Metropolitan of Warsaw and All Poland, 22 May 1934.

[36] Lobegott Friedrich Konstantin von Tischendorf (1815‒1874) — a German Lutheran theologian and paleographer.

[37] R. Raikov, the director of the Sofia National Library writes about this discovery, “Новважен документ за историята на Бачковския монастыр,” Зор vol. 17. no 4878 (1935): 5.

[38] “Róże Jerychońskie. Dziennik podróży do Ziemi Świętej i Syrii (9. VII.‒28. IX. 1936),” Polska Stronica Słowa 3 (1938), no, 5‒6 of 30 January 1938, pp. 6‒7; no. 7‒8 of 13 February 1938, pp. 4‒6; no. 9 of 27 February 1938, pp. 6‒7; number 12‒13 of 27 March 1938, pp. 5‒7; no. 14‒15 of 10 April 1938, pp. 5‒6; no. 16‒17 of 24 April 1938, pp. 7‒8; no 18‒19 of 8 May 1938, pp. 6‒8; Wiadomości Metropolii Prawosławnej w Polsce 2 (1939), no. 10 of 5 March 1939, pp. 2‒3; no. 11 of 12 March 1939, pp. 2‒3; no. 13 of 26 March 1939, pp. 2‒3; no. 14 of 2 April 1939, p. 3; no. 15 of 8 April 1939, p. 5; no. 18 of 30 April 1939, p. 3; no. 19 of 7 May 1939, p. 3; no. 21 of May 1939, p. 3; no. 22 of 28 May 1939, p. 3; no. 24 of 11 June 1939, p. 3; no. 25 of 18 June 1939, p. 3; no. 26 of 25 June 1939, p. 3; no. 27 of 2 July 1939, p. 3; no. 28‒29 of 9 July 1939, pp. 2‒4; no. 30‒31 of 23 July 1939, pp. 3‒4; no. 33 of 13 August 1939, pp. 4‒5; “Erlebnisse in und um Kaja Punar,” Orient im Bild 11 (1937), no. 9, pp. 33‒34; “Betlejem. Wrażenia z pobytu osobistego,” Polska Stronica Słowa 2 (1937), no. 1 of 3 January 1937, p. 3; and “Uroczystości niepodległościowe w Aleppo. Wrażenia z podróży,” Wschód-Orient 7 (1936), no. 4, pp. 43‒50. [= “Z dziennika podroży po Ziemi Świętej i Syrii (5. VII.‒28. IX. 1936),” Pro Georgia 13 (2005)].

[39] Hugo Ernst Mario Schuhard (1842‒1927) — German linguist and Baskologist. See: Cartas a Schuchardt. La correspondencia inedita de los folkloristas y otros intelectuales espanoles con el romanista y linguista Hugo Schuchardt (Sevilla: Fundación Machado, 1996).

[40] G. Peradze, “Religia Szoty Rustaweliego,” Pro Georgia 13 (2006): 177‒180; [= “Shota Rustaveli’s Religion,” in St. Grigol Peradze, About the Pre-Byzantine Georgian Liturgy, Patrologia, Poetry, Sermons, II, ed. D. Kolbaia, (Warsaw, 2014), pp. 261-266].

[41] Józef Łobodowski (1909‒1988) — a Polish poet and writer. He settled in Spain after World War II.

[42] J. Łobodowski, Rachunek sumienia. Wybor wierszy 1940‒1980 (Paris, 1987), p. 5; David Kolbaia, Henryk Paprocki, “Szota Rustaweli – Myśliciel,” in Shota Rustaveli, Rycerz w tygrysiej skórze, trans. Jerzy Zagórski and Jan Braun (Warsaw, 2017).

[43] “Gakhseneba - Grigol Peradze,” Kavkasioni Recueil littéraire et historique, Paris, vol. 16‒17 (1972‒1973): 108‒114 (in Georgian).

[44] “Im Dienste der georgischen Kultur (1926‒1940),” Aus der Welt des Ostens (Königsberg, 1941), pp. 30‒50; [“In Service of Georgian Culture,” in St. Grigol Peradze, History of Monasticism in Georgia. Early History of the Georgian Church, I, ed. D. Kolbaia, pp. 51-86].

[45] Vitalis (Taliko) Ugrekhelidze (1902‒1983) — a prominent representative of the Georgian emigration, contract officer of the Polish Army, public figure, publicist and translator.

[46] The second notebook of Vitalis Ugrekhelidze, papers 1‒322; description 661/manuscript, Polish Library in London.

[47] The second notebook of Vitalis Ugrekhelidze, description 661/manuscript, paper 72.

[48] The names and surnames of the persons indicated by the initials are known to the author but the Ugrekhelidze’s manuscripts have not yet been published so, thus far, we refrain from naming them. The Polish Library in London, 661, The Second Notebook of Vitalis Ugrekhelidze (manuscript), p. 74.

[49] Ibid, p. 75

[50] H. Paprocki, “Niektóre okoliczności aresztowania i pobytu w więzieniu Pawiak ks. archimandryty Grzegorza Peradze,” Wiadomości Polskiego Autokefalicznego Kościoła Prawosławnego vol. 17, no. 2‒3 (1987): 68‒72.

[51] Saint Grigol Peradze, Dzieła zebrane, O monastycyzmie gruzińskim, O Liturgii gruzińskiej, 1st edition, ed. H. Paprocki, p. 25, footnotes 69.

[52] H. Paprocki, Życie i dzieło św. Grzegorza Peradzego, Dzieła zebrane (Warsaw, 2010), p. 25.

[53] T. Tchumburidze, Kartuli khelnatserebis shestsavla utskhoetshi. Grigol Peradzis arkeograpiuli dziebani, Tbilisi, 2006 (in Georgian).

[54] H. Paprocki, Życie i dzieło św. Grzegorza Peradzego, Dzieła zebrane (Warsaw, 2010), p. 27.

[55] D. Kolbaia, Pod skrzydłami Rzeczypospolitej. Emigracja Gruzińska w Polsce 1921‒1939 (Warsaw, 2019).

[56] The League of Prometheus was established in 1928, its head office was located in Warsaw. The Club of Prometheus was quartered at 7 Aleje Jerozolimskie., and represented a three-room apartment with a large hall and two smaller rooms ,one of which was allocated to the Club secretary. In 1927, Professor Roman Smal-Stocky became Chairman of the Club, with Joseph Salakaia and Simon Mdivani as his deputies. In 1933‒39 Dr. Giorgi Nakashidze, an outstanding diplomat and renowned orator, became the Deputy Secretary. Members of the Board of Trustees were: Barasbi Baytugan, a representative of the North Caucasians, Mehmed Emin Resul-zade, an Azerbaijani writer and politicia and the head of Musavat party, and Kote Imnadze, the former adjutant to President Noe Zhordania. At first, the secretary of the Club was Isaak Baziak and then, in 1932, Bało Biłłaty, an Ossetian engineer was appointed as secretary. The Leage published Prométhée magazine in Paris under the editorship of Georges Gvazava, a writer and public figure. See: G. Mamoulia, Les combats indépendantistes des Caucasiens entre URSS et puissancs occidentales. Le casd la Géorgie (1921‒1945), Paris 2009; idem, Кавказская Конфедерация в официальных декларациях, тайной переписке и секретных документах движения «Прометей» (сборник документов) (Moscow, 2012).

[57] H. Paprocki, “Analiza dokumentów odnoszących się do sprawy aresztowania w 1939 roku w Warszawie trzech Gruzinów,” Pro Georgia 4 (1994): 64‒77.

[58] H. Paprocki, Życie i dzieło św. Grzegorza Peradzego, p. 28; idem, “Historia przygotowań do kanonizacji ojca Grzegorza Peradze,” Pro Georgia 15 (2007): 139‒143.

SAINT GRIGOL PERADZE

DIARES

DIARY. 26 NOVEMBER 1920‒6 NOVEMBER 1921

Grigol Peradze wrote his diaries when he was neither a clergyman nor a professor of theology. Therefore, the memories collected here, mostly relate to a period when he was just a student of Tbilisi University and dreamed of a scientific career, while, doing his military service as well.

His narrative enables the reader to trace one of the most turbulent times in Georgia, the events taking place in the 1920s, which Grigol Peradze was a witness to, and to follow the life story of a young man coping with the difficulties of troubled times, simultaneously trying to discover his purpose in life. In fact, one can rarely get to know a person so closely right at the moment when his spiritual pilgrimage begins and his worldview is being formed.

Grigol Peradze describes religious dilemmas and portrays different people he used to meet; he depicts places he had been linked to since his childhood and which represent his modern reality, including the attitude of political power to the church and the struggle between the knowledge and compromise he was preoccupied with at the time. He writes about the events that had left a mark on his heart, his youth and revolt, and the search for a path necessary to find the answers to the essential questions. Grigol Peradze actually predicted his future, which can be confirmed by many emotional episodes and tragic visions of his memories.

In 1921, he went to Germany to continue his studies, and from then on, his destiny became inextricably linked with Europe. Indeed, despite repeated attempts, he could no longer return to his homeland. The manuscript is written with black ink and partly with pencil. In some places it is hardly readable, but the work on the text has successfully been completed. Apparently, a portion of the diary is lost forever but what is preserved represents an immeasurably precious document for studying the events then taking place in Georgia. The manuscript is preserved at Korneli Kekelidze Georgian National Center of Manuscripts.

David Kolbaia

THE DIARY

26 NOVEMBER 1920‒6 NOVEMBER 1921

1920

Friday, 26 November

Yesterday evening, when I became pretty tired of writing my novel The White Iris,[1] as well as reading both Paul the Apostle by Ernst Renan[2] and the German Bible,[3] I began thinking of what else I could do (doing the same thing repeatedly does bother me), and then I decided to return to my diary. I know, even this may make me weary soon and I shall quit, but anyway I can entertain myself for a while.

It has been a long time, maybe two or three years, since I started my diary; and since then my life has changed dramatically: I have travelled many places, met a lot of queer people, a great many things have happened to me but none of these, just nothing has ever affected me in any way. Alas, I am still as inexperienced as I was before. I am afraid of everything and wish well to everyone, in a word, I am shy, timid and benevolent.

Saturday, 27 November

Today, one of our soldiers, Estate Gogiashvili of Lamiskana village, went on leave, and I asked him to take my letter to Father Ise. Let us wait for the Father’s response. He may finally figure out how to write something back to me.

Ulfanian and Selezniov seem to be in a bad mood. The reason is unknown to me. I feel pity for these men, especially for Selezniov so I must try to speak and become friendly with them.

Today the head of the battery[4] spoke of arranging a school here. He definitely wants me to start teaching there. Not at all! What an interest for me to teach someone? I do not intend to go for it! In case I consent to teaching, I will certainly try to bring knowledge and to show people in darkness what the light of education is, but I am unable to do it right now, when I am on the verge of a nervous breakdown. It may even make my health worsen. General principles will not do me any good and in case I become sick with tuberculosis, I am lost.

Sometimes, I am terribly selfish but this is due to the desire to preserve a kind of childishness and simplicity of the heart, as well as to maintain freshness of impressions and the soul like a clean, and an unwritten board. I must put my faith in God! “No one can change that which is decreed; that which is not to be will not be,” says Rustaveli.[5]

Tomorrow is Sunday. I must send a letter to Miss Laundenbach. I am so ashamed that I have not done it till now. I sent my note in German to Duffel[6] and now I cannot wait to hear from him. He did me a lot of good, but up to now I have not written a separate letter of gratitude in response. I shall do it tomorrow but what prevents me from doing it right away? Definitely, something has been wrong with me lately. It is clear I have developed apathy. I am almost too lazy to do anything. Mere trifling, even a simple word can insult and give me jitters.

I started learning German and quit my novel The White Iris that I commenced in order to test my writing abilities. I have not touched it for three days.

What is happening to me? I found myself in a writing mood but now I am totally unable to master the pen. As Andreev puts it, it is a “tyranny of mere nothing.”[7]

I take the second pen as a matter of fact and continue to write. I do not know how to deal with melancholy and hypochondria.[8] God save me!

How beautiful is Finckel’s[9] translation! — на могилу с розами... When I finish my White Iris, I will start a little story titled “Please, Adorn the Grave with Roses.”[10]

Sunday, 28 November

It is Sunday but I am on duty today so I am in the office and I cannot go anywhere. I just have to be on watch and nothing more. But what on earth am I doing here right now? Nothing!

I am not fond of walking, what a pleasure is there walking in such cold?! So it is still preferable to sit in the office and, for lack of anything better, read and write.

I wrote a telegram for Mochiashvili.

How I love and pity this poor soldier! He has not received any news from his loved ones for five months and every time I promise him to track down some information. Alas, I fail to make good on my promise and instead of being frank with him I constantly lie to him. I am ashamed... How can I tell him the truth?!

Oh God! Just give me considerable strength and courage to be of any help to these hopeless people: those, who have still not had any letter from home; those who receive only terrible news of cold and calamities, which make them devastated and make them lose their sincerity and openness; those who, already tormented by apprehensions, eventually lose their peace of mind.

I wish to write a little about the church: there is a chapel here, where a priest named Beniamine Kandelaki,[11] a graduate from the Seminary and quite an educated person, serves. (That is what I have heard of him, though not knowing him personally). Worshippers flock to the church on Sundays. I say flock but in fact there are only a few who gather: two monks, two old men and several children. The latter, driven only by curiosity, watch the priest during the service only to study his body language and then, on their way back home, try to mimic and deride him. There is no normal church service, no moral preaching, but who, for God’s sake, during the period of such an unrestrained speculation and hardships would want any church! Who needs religious service or clergy?!

Oh no, never! Our church does not need clergy of dirty soul and weak tradition! Yet, which tradition should be rejected? Naturally, one that is worse. And then, what is left of the old traditions and rites should be melted, combined with new ones only in order to make them updated and more beautiful; then bring them to people’s souls as close as possible.

The saints of the Eastern Christianity are a kind of contemplative wonder-workers, whereas the Western Christian saints are more active and closer to real life. There is a good deal of fantasy and mythological elements in the lives of the Eastern saints; on the contrary, there is reality, truth, faithfulness and naturalness in the hagiography of Western tradition.

Today, Colonel Vashakidze came to our battery, or rather, division jail to interrogate Aleksashvili, a detainee: “You, son of a bitch, what were you thinking about when you sold a weapon to some Tatar? Do you not know that that Tatar will definitely turn on me and kill me with that very same weapon?!”

Coarse language, terrible abuse, sounds of beating and battering were heard from the cell.

Aleksashvili later told me that the colonel had put a cane to his stomach with such a force that he almost ripped it. The captain took a cue from him and beat up another soldier, Gelashvili. I really do not know what he was guilty of, but now when we know for sure that the captain beat him up, it is the captain who is guilty. Gelashvili planned to file a complaint but we dissuaded him.

Oh, how blind we are, the slaves, born in slavery! If I have a little free time, I would love to write a vivid true story about the lives of soldiers. Probably I should send it to the Communist[12] newspaper as it is more likely that they will accept my stories. It certainly makes no sense to send more stories to Mkhedari[13] [the rider]. I cannot find the time to write a letter to the editor to find out why they have not printed anything yet.

I wonder how my brother Vaso is….[14]

Today, I have nothing to write about. Tamarashvili is in the office now. I wonder who he is and what he wants… He seems to be a kind person, but when enraged, he becomes very dangerous. That is a character just like nature. That is life, that is nature, and that is how it is! There are no longer any thoughts in my head! I am not able to think of anything anymore… That is why I am writing in such a manner. I need a rest now and peace of mind.

P.S. It turns out Ulfanian rented a separate room but I will write about that tomorrow.

Monday, 29 November

On 24 November, I wrote a report at the request of Mtchedlidze, a soldier of the 3rd battery. It has not been considered by anyone yet. Major Mosidze[15], though I do not know him personally but have a strong dislike for him, hid it in a drawer. The letter was against Parkadze, a platoon leader, caused by his interminable injustices. It happened that this letter infuriated Parkadze and he even more actively looked for an excuse to ‘knock’ this poor soldier, so he sent him to prison for six days because of a dirty katelok.[16]

This evening I saw the boy in prison once again. I am eager to help and assist him, but how? How can I help him?

I am getting down writing a letter now, but I am extremely inexperienced and not used to this type of writing. Something terrible is happening in prison now! How many innocent people languish there! Here you are, democracy!!! When we, the Christian country, tore off the cross from the spearhead of St. Giorgi, does it mean that we have banished and kicked out the principles of philanthropy from our hearts? Does it mean that we should abandon the ideals of our ancestors that have been imprinted in our hearts for centuries?

Major Mosidze this time stayed out of jail, but all the same, he will not escape punishment. I will provide it even if I suffer. I will sacrifice myself but never let injustice win.

Everyone tells me I have a talent for writing. In case I have it, then I must try to use it in order to win.

They want to transport the prisoners: Aleksashvili, Markozashvili, Gigineishvili, Mchedlishvili, Terterashvili, Bolashvili, Kokochashvili, and Iverashvili, to Tbilisi.

Today Marshava was put in jail only because someone had stolen a sack of barley from the stables during his watch. I believe in the innocence of Kokochashvili and Iverashvili. They would never steal anything. The Commander says barley was stolen during their watch. It does not matter. Why have the sentries on the second shift not been interrogated? The innocent person loses all hope when he sees so much wrong and unfairness.

I am writing now and want to express my feelings and thoughts, I want to formulate them well but it is so difficult! Oh God, give me clarity of thought and sharpness of words.

I have been still thinking of correspondence but not knowing how to start. I would love a kind of sedate and balanced start; otherwise I may very well resemble an unleashed dog, as Russians put it он как с цепи сорвался [he seems he has just been unleashed], which I really do not want.

I would like to write a letter to Maria Alexandrovna, the teacher in Akhalkalaki, but I will do it tomorrow. I need to write to Captain Gamkrelidze, too.

Today I went to the library to return St. Paul[17] by Renan. I wanted to take out The Life of Jesus[18] with all my heart but it happened to be lost, so I took the other book by him, The Apostles[19]

Renan’s narrative starts with resurrection, but it is clear he does not believe in it. He does not believe in a matter that is the corner stone of Christianity. “Если христос не воскрес, то и проповедь наша тщетна, тщетна и вера ваша,”[20] said Paul the Apostle. Renan considers that the resurrection is the cause of Mary Magdalene’s hallucinations; all in all, he explains it allegorically. But if we must follow the allegories and vague dogmas, we eventually become closer to the school of Neo-Platonism that was formalized during the crisis of polytheism only just to defend backward, mossy paganism. Even now, embedding the Neo-Platonist elements in theology does not indicate Christianity. The fact is that Christianity at one time put an end to paganism. But all the same, Renan avoids direct explanations… No, it is not like that at all. Christianity abounds with humanity’s driving forces; it is replete with divine beauties! Hundreds of years may pass, even a million, but it will inevitably fascinate our hearts, continue to enchant our minds and help to humble our arrogance.

I do not agree with the notion that compared to modern times, in the past there were many more believers. спаси меня, боже, если некуда идти и если истина умалчивается ради спасения человечествa [Save me, oh, God, if there is nowhere to go and the Truth is being withheld for the salvation of humanity]… It is true, the people were too superstitious before; but step by step their faith becomes free of misapprehensions. I believe, soon the renewal of the adherents of pure religion may occur.

I finished reading Renan’s St. Paul and what conclusions have I made over this book? I did not know anything at all about the author before. It has been only three months since I started reading him, and I have been immensely impressed. I wonder what objectives they pursued at the Seminary when they forbade us to read him! Once I was so proud of being a graduate of the Seminary and what a shame I became familiar with Renan’s works only three months ago! And I have not yet read The Life of Jesus!

Wednesday, 1 December

The letters on the terrible injustices being common occurrences in the Akhaltiskhe garrison have been written. I have finished them all and now I intend to send them to the newspaper Sakartvelo (Georgia). May this nest of vipers, a hellhole, be hissing soon! Anyway, they cannot do me any harm as everything I reported in this statement is the complete truth. I am on duty this evening. After the roll-call was finished the soldiers sang Finckel’s romance Rivochka. I was fascinated by their

singing.

I have to eschew becoming associated with Barladze. Not because he is a thief or dishonest in some way. No, just the contrary: he is one of the most upright soldiers in the whole squadron. Lieutenant Eristavi is endowed with the gift of seeing the soul of a person. Had he received good education, he would have stood out among others. Even now, he demonstrates the signs of outstanding talent, but the ordinary soldiers, be it artillery men, captain assistants and others, are more honest than him. Maybe they do not distinguish by their knowledge and education, but their ethics and rectitude make them set apart.

Thursday, 2 December

My dream is coming true. Half the job is done already. Oh, God, either first, or second! But for now, I would prefer the second. God save me!

Just a little stroke, but very characteristic and worthy of attention, today, the major of the squadron was called to the office. The Chief clerk came in and sent me upstairs. The Major was teaching the soldiers. I reported and saluted him. I was wearing this damned hat but that is not the point, every soldier is obliged to salute his senior officers. I am against unruliness and lack of discipline in the armed forces, in fact the strictest order is needed, but something else is notable here: while I was talking to him I had my hand raised to my head for nearly five minutes and that happened to look quite natural to him. Sorry, I will not be like this next time. Let him brag as much as he wants. This little nuance fully reveals his character. To hell with this guy!

Friday, 3 December

Today I received a letter from Duffel,[21] refusing me a scholarship. Nevertheless I am glad of the fact that he was gracious enough to spare some time and write me a few words. I understand the meaning but some words are still incomprehensible to me. Today I will ask the colonel to read it to me. I repent now sending the letter to the Sakartvelo newspaper. It would have been better, if I had not done it at all. It cannot be helped now. Even if my article is published, I still hope they will not learn about it. In any case, I will hide the copies. I will do it though.

Apparently I have been appointed as a teacher and a leader of cultural works. It was impossible to refuse. Actually, I do not mind it at all, but my speech! The speech problem! I must improve my speaking abilities and train myself a lot. Tomorrow I am going to start speaking in a calm and gradual way.[22] I am still thinking about that correspondence. I did wrong by sending it. I used to castigate Jibladze and did worse myself. That’s what it is. What can I do? I must try not to act this way anymore in the future.

This evening I am in the mood of writing a letter. Elena turns out to be in Batumi. Why does not she send me a letter while I have already written her twice?! I have received nothing. I am not keen to write her anything until I receive her response…

Saturday, 4 December

I wrote three letters today: to Archimandrite Pavle,[23] Germane,[24] and Kezel[25]. It is enough for the moment. Three more obligations left: the letters written on behalf of the soldiers, a message to Miss Laudenbach, to whom I should write, but thus far I have not done anything yet, and to Captain Gamkrelidze. There’s one more, and very important thing to do, my little essay titled Two Communisms.

Yes, I have done all the others. For Nakashidze I sent two letters, as well as for Jibladze and Baloshvili. Unless I receive responses, I am not going to make any effort at correspondence at all.

Now, concerning Two Communism once again:

This morning I was reading the last chapter of the epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians.[26] Paul the Apostle gives instructions to believers on how to collect benefits for the saints in Jerusalem, who are at their devotions all day and all night, fulfilling the dogmas of Moses. Certainly, they had no time left for work and by and large, what was there to work for in Jerusalem? It was a poor country. All the same, they had managed to build communism there but only to maintain it just for three days. Then, like a deflated balloon, it disappeared completely, yielding no practical results; human voracity, greed and envy being the reason.

That was the First Communism.

The Russian communism by Lenin[27] and Trotsky[28], let us call it the Second Communism, as a result of the activity of these public figures, with the idea of a complete nationalization of private property, fully corresponds to the First one. The latter, like the first, implying everything should be put in the public domain. Nevertheless, there is a great difference between them: the First Communism stood on a purely religious foundation: God, believers and prayers, for which economy is not at the root. The Second Communism, let us say the economic one, rests on terrorism, extortion and expropriation. That is what radically distinguishes it from the first one which is godly by nature, while the other is materially-minded.

The ultimate objective of the first one was love and freedom. Adherents, totally afraid of the examples of Ananias and Sapphira,[29] would sell their possessions, and filled with celestial joy, take the proceeds to the saints. They had been united by the common heart and soul.

The second Communism, the complete opposite of the first, has the same objectives, but the problem-solving and general aspirations are different. Renan expresses it beautifully, and I quote it in my way: “The Church of Jerusalem, losing its grandeur and brilliance eventually submitted to the supremacy of Antioch.” All this was due to the Communism which initially tried to set up a Kingdom of God on earth.

Sunday, 5 December

Today is Sunday. I was eager to say my prayers. I asked Kavtaradze for leave, but was refused. I am terribly upset. He spoiled my red letter day but what can one do? It is impossible to constantly indulge oneself in fun and pleasure.

The new officer came, and maybe I will ask him for help. Let him first rent an apartment, and then I shall beg him to teach me some German; for my part I will help him in learning Georgian so I will give back as good as I get.

If I learn German, I will develop myself a bit. What is more important, I will become acquainted with Renan! Step by step, I will be writing some articles for the newspapers to improve my writing abilities. Then ethics and morals and, in case I manage to maintain chastity and purge bad habits, I will be the happiest man on earth. Also, I must write letters. It provides a testing for my mental endowments.

I wrote the letter to Laundenbach in German. I would love a German-speaker to revise it.

I also try to contact the Catholicos, let us see if he writes back. I also wrote to Metropolitan Nazar.[30] I will settle down writing Two Communisms as soon as I have finished with all the notes.

The new officer seems to be a very nice man. I liked him at first sight. I would be very happy if he consents to teach me.

Monday, 6 December

Nothing significant has happened today. The letter to Laudenbach was sent. I dropped writing The White Iris. I have not written it for a long time. It must be finished for Christmas.

I am not happy with this day. Neither I have written, nor have I read in German. If only! What have I done? I have no idea. Oh God!… The time to multiply sins.

By the way, today, the moment I was writing Two Communisms, Vachnadze sat beside me. Did he see it? I do not know. Maybe he did not. Anyway it makes no difference. I have no idea where he came from… Oh, God!...

Tuesday, 7 December

I have been misbehaving and letting myself down these last days. By quitting everything I continue to degrade myself, whereas morality and the mastering of German constitute my motto.

I take great interest in Two Communisms and begin to put together all the necessary sources. It is going to be a substantial research, and I shall use it for my thesis. I need to keep a separate exercise-book and save all the data.

Berulashvili wrote a letter to Tamarashvili, saying hello to all his friends except for me. Not that I think very highly of myself! Probably I was not a great friend of his; maybe I did not lend a helping hand during his hardships; maybe I did not encourage and pick him up when he was going through tough times or when he was down. But if he knew how hard my heart beats for him, how filled with love and grateful I am! He was the first to understand me and provide me with certain help. Since then, he has occupied a huge place in my heart. Indeed, to win one’s trust you need just a little, so, yesterday I wrote and inquired after him. We, the people of the South, nowadays are so short of frequent endearments, caresses and warm sunshine that even a single pale sunbeam gives us delight in this chilly, freezing period.

Svimonishvili’s sister died today, and to compound his hardships he had his finger terribly hurt. I am very dissatisfied with the current day. Poor Mochiashvili pleads and badgers me interminably, nearly crying but what should I say to him? How can I help him? I only feel pity for him. Today I was printing on a Remington[31], and the major was impressed saying that the military service has taught me typing on the machine. Not typing but learning German will make me really happy! I will finish writing The White Iris in two weeks.

Wednesday, 8 December

I have learnt today that from now on, they shall make military service last for two years.[32] I have often heard about it before, but did not believe it. Now, as so many people are shouting about it and even the whole country talks about this subject, that means it is true and I have become convinced. To be frank, it makes no difference; it does not bother me at all. I have a certain benefit in the army service: I learnt typing on a Remington, which is one benefit. There are other benefits as well: I have undergone some personal changes and have become acquainted with many different people: especially those connected with newspapers, journals and publishing and have become really busy and hectic in the sphere. It is too early as yet to say anything, the proper time to list all that was good and bad has not come yet. This is a matter of the future. When I reach the end of this period and become a bit older, then I shall turn about to face my nearest past, to look at the legends that at one time excited and aroused me, thrilled and aroused me on in such a way that I could not even fall asleep; to observe the days when I cried a lot, just how many tantalizing minutes did I go through, and then, and only then I will be stunned and wonder about how miserable I happened to be before!

“With whom I fought, were not worth the fight.

Too late I discovered this fallacy.”

I just feel the same. And then, I will learn at last that all my torment and anguish was meaningless! Yes, meaningless! Oh God, save me! Give me the strength to ward off the evil spirit!

Thursday, 9 December

Today is Thursday, and the time goes the same as it went before. I have read nothing, experienced nothing, and nothing important I have done. Today the Major did not approve my German speaking: Fenster zu, закройте окно Fenster auf, Licht aus, открытое окно Messer auf. I do not know what more to write. I am definitely falling into an abyss, knowing nothing of what shall become of me!

Sunday, 12 December

And this week has passed. The days go by, and I am filled with discontent. I have not read anything memorable and interesting this week. Nothing have I done that is noticeable and perceptible. One week, and so many such weeks, days, months and years are being lost, oh God, do not make me lost with the passing time, do not make me forgotten, but I am lost right now, am I not ? How hard it is to come to terms with this thought!

I am really swift to take offence, become anxious, but all the same, I can calm down quickly; indignation and resentment passes and gives way to love, benevolence and sympathy. In a short time, I am ready to forgive the past and kiss the one who insulted me.

Oh, so heavy is the burden of sins on a human being, and what a great sinner I am!

I returned Renan’s Apostle and instead took Rustaveli. I am actually haunted by Two Communisms.

Today I was told that there is a book titled Socialism and Religion by Lunacharski.[33] It must be interesting to switch from Renan to Lunacharski. Renan is pure gold, which tries to give scientifically sound answers; he seems to be a deeply religious person who bends his knee before Jesus Christ. He is fascinated by the Gospel. His books can do a world of good to the Church.

I can imagine what the book by Lunacharski is going to be about. And nevertheless, I feel it must be appealing. Where can I find it?

Life and death are human properties. Shota Rustaveli, who condemns the “Shameful life” appears in all his glory before my eyes.

I became tired of writing The White Iris but still I must finish it. Today I have advanced a little.

I have also been to Rabati church[34] and was really delighted with a certain nun. If there were a lot of such virtuous women in our church, its body could come to life, and its heart might start to beat vividly. Today it is paralyzed, nearly dead. Only such women can enliven it. She can revive the church just like Mary Magdalene, Mary the mother of Jacob and Salome[35] enlivened Christ proclaiming the joy of resurrection to the world. I must try to know her better.

Monday, 13 December

I realized one thing today. As if I have been blind so far and now have become sighted.

In the evening I went to Jibo to ask for bread. It was the Day of the Guards, and everyone went to see the performance of Panem et Circenses.[36] I sent our messenger there to attend the show as Jibo entrusted me to pick up dinner for the soldiers. No, it makes no difference. All the same, the point is that I am going to Jibo to ask once again for some bread. Jibo deliberately went away. He hid himself from me only not to give bread. He lacks the civil courage to tell me that he cannot do it, that he is not supposed to. Then reprimand and kick me out. I lack civil courage, wit and flair to perceive one’s inner excitement and confusion, one’s unspoken thoughts and gestures. No, I know and feel the actuality but I am like a drowning man who tries to cling to straws; being away from home, I spend my time in letter-writing.

Elena[37] deceives me all the time; I have not received more than one letter from her.

I received Mother’s[38] letter[39] today. She tells me about a constant pain in her eyes. How afraid I am! It is such a blessing that we have a mother! God forbid that something may happen to her now, when all our past distresses have been forgotten, grief and sorrow have gone. Oh God, save her, have mercy on her, your faithful and benevolent servant!

What will my life be like? What path will I take? Which direction will I take? Can I go to Germany or am I going to settle for being a rural teacher? Maybe I will even dream about the position of a village teacher.

I want to maintain a pure, honest friendship with Jibo. There is no such an open-hearted man in the whole battery. And I spoil this friendship with my consistent pleading for bread, but what can I do when I start being haunted by hunger, when I am longing for bread, when I know that I shall have only potato broth for supper?! How can I get rid of this bad habit? When I feel hunger, I will get down to reading this writing and in case I have some nickel, I will go to buy bread!

I am indignant reading the news that the church treasures have been taken out of Gelati Monastery. I read it to the soldiers, and the news outraged them, too. I keep the newspaper copy with me. I must write a letter of sympathy to Catholicos. A letter must be written to Zhordania[40] too, but up until now I did not have the nerve to do it. But do you need any courage for it? It is my obligation, a civic duty as of a man of faith.

I am just sending the third letter to Patriarch Leonide[41]. He has already received the previous two. I would also love to prepare an article about Gelati for the Sakartvelo newspaper.

Tuesday, 14 December

What a terrible situation our church is in! Fate has brought so much misery, inflicted such a heavy toll on it. Can our church endure this dreadful ordeal? Kirion[42] the Catholicos yielded and fell, bent by the heaviest of burdens. He could not stand such treatment, could not cope with the unending waves. Leonide the Patriarch still stands holding back the onslaught. He, too, like an offering to the church must win, defeat death by his self-sacrifice. It cannot be helped otherwise, there is definitely no way out.

I read the protest by Catholicos as well as his letter to Zhordania, but how did the community respond to this tragedy? Has anyone raised his voice against any transgressions? Has any opinion been expressed on this matter? No, no, just nothing![43]

The protest by Catholicos was and still remains like the voice of one crying in the wilderness. Horrible! I am just quivering while hearing this voice in a complete and total silence. Выстрелы в глухую , тёмную ночь (shots fired into a deep, dark night). Me, I am blinded while I discern that light is seeping through darkness and gloom and I wonder, just want to explain my amazement and bewilderment. Why does not the cry of His Holiness cause a responding cry from the depth of the souls of others? Why do not the voices of kindred souls join him to merge with each other?

The only voice, the only light, the only bullet against this kingdom of darkness! And then, the silence, the hush that has come over again!

Oh, how the Georgians have declined! How deep they have fallen, reveling in moral decay! Just how deceived we are! The Georgian Crusaders have sunk into oblivion. Instead of them some bunch of the slow-witted and feeble-minded beings ramble across the country!

God spare me from such bitter thoughts; deliver me from these desperate evil fantasies. All the same, I do believe in a great future for our nation. He can endure everything but how can one tolerate the desecration of the Khakhuli relic or be deaf to the outcry of the Catholicos?! How can one be unresponsive and insensitive to such horrible events?! This means life is worth nothing, it is better to die.

I seem to actually resemble the late passenger from the past centuries, just as in Galaktion’s[44] verse. Davitashvili used to say to me: “You should have been born in medieval times.” If I possess any dignity and endowment I should write to Noe Zhordania on my own behalf and no anonymity at all!

Apart from this an article for the Sakartvelo newspaper needs to be written.

Oh God, stand by me on this endeavor of mine!

Wednesday, 15 December 1920

At last I finished Dostoevsky’s[45] Униженные и оскорбленные (Unizhennye i oskorblyonnye),[46]

I am delighted by the book but I ponder that human suffering is really exacerbated there. Is there in the world so much anguish and distress as described in this book? Aliosha, Vania, they are his characters and describing them would be my next work.

Thursday, 16 December 1920

I am hitherto under the stress of the Gelati events and yet wonder why there is no outcry on the part of our community? Why does the outcry of the Catholicos continue to be like a voice in the wilderness?[47] Strange is the psychology of our people! How rude and lazy the Georgian is, his relics are mocked and trampled underfoot, but he remains silent. Horror!

The Georgian Bolsheviks declared war on the Mensheviks[48] and devastated everything in their battle, including truth and the tormented church.

Verily I say before God, I could not expect that Georgians would take the side of those feeble-minded, unbelieving people. More or less, everything here is determined by mere party interests, and they definitely wish to seize the opportunity to win more converts, to lure more people to their side, including theunconscionable ones. Nevertheless, these circumstances, as well as my notions do not make me lose faith and respect towards my country. Here, in Akhaltsikhe, I am far away from everything and do not have complete information. I rarely have any newspapers and have no chance to keep up closely with events. Maybe there are fierce and heated debates in Tbilisi around these occurrences. Nothing can reach me here. So I am coming to strange conclusions.

Among the items that had been taken out of Gelaty, everything had a religious, sacred meaning, except for Queen Tamar’s slippers. The government had previously declared that things of religious value should not be removed or touched but why on earth did they do it?

It is clear Menshevizm is collapsing and like autumn flies; they do not even know who to attack and who to bite but their efforts are fruitless, the church cannot be defeated. To the contrary, their actions will infuriate believers so that they shall rebel soon. But do we really need that now? Do we really need any upheaval and controversy among our citizens when already there is a terrible mess and resentment in our country? Moreover, the Mensheviks make it even worse stirring up the pot with their insensitivity.

Apparently, in this tragedy Menshevizm is more inclined toward Bolshevism, and the time may come soon when Zhordania & Co. will become more zealous and inveterate Bolsheviks than Lenin or Trotsky.

To raid the church, wreak havoc on it, as well as deride the Catholicos, where does it lead us to? The greater part of our population is very respectful to the Catholicos and places him much higher than Zhordania. For me, personally, as a religious man and a believer, the Catholicos bears much more importance and has given me even a promise of glory; I would prefer to choose Him.

Where is the freedom of the press? It has become a mere imitation and nothing more.

The time may come soon when everything will be governed, just as in the Russian Bolshevik’s Pravda,[49] by a single concept, one and the only concept. And Bolshevik-reincarnated former Mensheviks will legitimize unpaid forced labor! And the Red Army is just like praetorians, gathered around their supreme ruler.

Oh God, let this rage subside quickly and this hell disappear in order to enable me to turn to my writings.

I would love to publish a little article but fail to gather the strength.

Friday, 31 December

It is New Year’s Eve today, and I have not written anything in my diary for two weeks. I was in Tbilisi between 20 and 28 December, and I have been unable to write since then. It is clear, I can hardly cope with overwhelming impressions.

I sent the third letter to Nakashidze, and unless I receive an answer, I will abandon any relationship with him... I also sent a letter to Giorgi Garsiashvili.

My conversation with the Catholicos is worth a particular description, and the dignity of Gabrusha Chachnisdze deserves a special mention[50].

Indeed, I have many acquaintances: let us say, Father Pavle and others.

What else can I write about? I think I finished it.

Oh, God, the New Year comes tomorrow! I am standing here, at the closed door, filled with reverence, fear and apprehension: what shall the coming year bring to me? Will I become free from the disease that shackles me? The disease that is cutting me off from my friends and ruining my life?!

Another crucial question is whether I shall master German or not.

And the last but not the least important, what will my life be like, and what direction will it take. These are the questions that as yet I have no answers to. That is why they annoy me and make me angry the most. I have not until now decided on my worldview and future in general. But I believe, the coming year is going to reveal many things, it may answer, I hope, the substantial questions.

So I am standing full of respect and awe, waiting for the curtain to rise. The anniversary of the death of the Major’s brother was celebrated today, so I attended the memorial service. It was pure delectation and a delight to listen to it, what magnificent words! How wise and profound! It is a pity that I do not have a musical ear!

Tomorrow I am going to write to Leonidze and ask him to send me the tchashniki.[51]

The impressions of the memorial service are still resonating in my ears. The melody of Oh, God Together with Souls and Saints[52] permeates the sense of grief and gives certain kind of aesthetical satisfaction. Wherever I had been these days, it followed me persistently. It seemed to stir my memories and reminded me of forgotten events of days gone by.

I see myself in the Theological Seminary; I am already on good terms with His Holiness… The last days of the exams (or we have finished them already). I am standing at the entrance door. It is evening. The courtyard is in gloom; the grass moistened. We can easily catch cold but none of us moves; we just sit, never thinking of going home. We are excited and passionate about something. I am chanting Oh God, Together with Souls and Saints, and although I am far from being a nightingale, the eyes of His Holiness are being moistened by virtue of the rush of feelings. Happy times! Indeed, what beauty those days had! What power and innocence, and simplicity jumped in response right out of the depth of one’s soul. It was a cry of the heart of a deeply frightened human being, who withstood the fear of death, sensed everything, even comprehended nothingness but never let his mind lose the last illusions, for he wanted to spare his life, already tortured by anxiety. The melodies are flowing like a swollen river in spring, without the consent of one’s mind. There was a certain woman, an actress, by the name of Vara, the wife of Damien de Martel,[53] who always used to sing the same chant having no idea about the meaning of the words, but asking to perform it at her memorial service when she died as it would have made her very much happy posthumously. It is horrible that I have been haunted by Together with the Souls and Saints perpetually, is not it?

I am deeply frightened! Really! They say the New Year’s Eve is like a mirror, which reflects the events and happenings of the year to come. Does this New-Year obsession with a memorial song signify the approaching death of loved ones?

It was a childish gesture from my side to go to the memorial service. I should not have gone there. But, on the other hand, attending commemoration is our obligation.

After I read what I have written it turns out I spent a terrible New Year Eve. I left Tchkadua at the office and started wandering through the garrison. Somehow I acquired a habit of talking badly about others but to hell with them! Let them do what they like! I will only observe and share everything with my diary.

I feel pity for two persons: the major, who is constantly cheated upon while he has no idea about it. Being a kind and modest person, he is just satisfied with his salary and nothing more. Eristavi, the thief and creeper, lacks civic consciousness, as well as love for the homeland. But what might one expect from an uneducated officer, who has been pushed here on someone’s coat tails? Though he has not done any wrong to me yet, I try to speak with him as little as possible. Later I shall do more of a characterization of him.

1921

Saturday, 1 January

So, the New Year has come and everything should be started anew. On New Year’s Eve I was sitting in the office up until half past eleven reading The Bible, Churchkhelas and with apples in my pocket. The major came in and was told that soldiers were utterly displeased with the way the English uniforms had been distributed. And next, under the chairmanship of Meskhi, a whole delegation came down to the major. By God! I was extremely imprudent when I took one uniform for myself: I completely forgot about the footman’s menial psychology: either to everyone, or to no one!

I got up early this morning and went to the spring to wash my face and hands. Then, I went to the office and started reading The Bible. Thereafter I congratulated the major with the New Year and began to wander the streets of Akhaltikhe without any definite aim and purpose. In the evening I made an interesting and lively speech about the artillerymen in the presence of the major and ten soldiers at the theatre. I was very excited.

Sunday, 2 January

It is Sunday today. I went to Rabat. Although there is one small chapel[54] by the post office, I still prefer to attend the very same Rabat Church[55] as the atmosphere there disposes me more to prayer. The soldiers from the 10th Regiment constantly come in here. They light candles and leave immediately. I was very happy to see them in church but their reluctance to attend liturgy would make me very upset. None of them has ever stayed to the end of the service. All the same, I think it is forgivable for soldiers. Will they cease to be Christians just because they do not listen to the service till its end? Not at all! Let us say, Russian soldiers, they knew very well how to stand up to three church services a day, kneel and crawl all day long, shed tears and then, as if nothing had happened, to return to their ordinary paganism and become perpetrators of all kinds of violence.

Once, I told His Holiness Patriarch Leonide about a lieutenant, his surname is Aleksandrov, who taught us radio-electricity. He had turned out to participate in several explosions in Tbilisi: of the Palace, the Military Cathedral, and The State Theater. Patriarch Leonide replied in Russian not without irony: “he must have been humble and meek, and would go to church and attend the liturgy. However, this did not prevent him from committing the sin of killing people.” And then went on saying: “We, Georgians, are quite different. We have Christianity in our blood; we have it written in our flesh.”

I want to preach my Christmas sermon. I am going to start the preparations.

Yesterday, I finished the reading of Idol by Locke.[56]

There is an old monastery called Thiseli[57] four miles away from Atskuri. I have to ask the major to give me three days leave in spring to do some sightseeing and make a pilgrimage. God willing, Paul the Archimandrite shall arrive, and together with him I shall be able to visit Saphara Monastery,[58] Vardzia,[59] and also see Kumurdo[60], may this happy time come as soon as possible!

Tomorrow I have two obligations. First is to write to Laudenbach and the other, to write a letter to Archimandrite Pavle Japaridze.

Monday, 3 January

In the evening I wrote a sermon and read it to Vachnadze and Tabagari; Ulphanian was also there, and they all were happy with it. Vachnadze said he would never imagine me writing such a thing. This was already a manifestation of respect towards me.

From today’s impressions there is one thing that seemed important to me. The major rebuked me giving warning: “You talk a lot!” and then added: “You always forget what you are supposed to hear!”

I would gladly answer him that he forgot what times we lived in; that I was not a Russian army soldat but a private, a soldier of the Renewed State, who was by no means an obedient slave of Eristavi the thief, or a footman complying with whims of the heartless, impenetrable Sergeant Major. Yes, I am a citizen and I am proud of it! I am a Georgian army soldier and I am proud of it, too. I hate Soldathood!

I hate hazing! Down with Soldathood![61]

Tuesday, 4 January

The major hates me more and more with each passing day. Why does he hate me? I do not know, really… Maybe because I talk a lot; maybe because I never keep quiet when someone is wrong and perpetrates oppression and injustice. For example, yesterday Eristavi was nagging me: while not having his own Capternamus[62] he always makes me work instead of him. That time he decided to give an inconceivable assignment, which is to order Selezniov to do this or that… I asked him to give orders according to my army rank. I told him that I am in no position to order Selezniov, a secretary to the Chief, or others who rank above me. The major on his part, considering my answer an unthinkable audacity, got upset and berated me terribly. There are many such examples. As if he is looking for a reason to knock and blame me, he tries not to miss a chance to find fault in anything I do. Today a kitten turned out to be the main point for him. He maintained that the kitten may have been lost and threatened to punish us, if we did not find him.

They plan to open a special school for the dissemination of culture in the Armed Forces. But I have my own considerations concerning this decision. First of all, I see that soldiers are very reluctant to go to that school. The reason is that there is no respect or any kind of esteem between officers and privates, a soldier looks up at an officer as if he was God or some other celestial being, with awe and fear. An officer on his part treats a soldier as if he is a slave who ought to satisfy, fulfill all his orders and whims. The officers share a common notion, “Fear Breeds Love” and appear with a whip in hand in order to urge, flog, maltreat and abuse a soldier as if he is a beast of burden.

The government with a special decree is simply obliged to eradicate this horror. An officer must be well aware that in the case of beating a soldier, he loses his place and respect, his name will be published in the media and he will have to eat enormous quantity of humble pie. The major’s heart is hard as diamond and as cruel as it was before. He derides and belittles privates as always sticking to his ironical attitude towards them. His stance badly affects the morality of the soldiers, they are being turned into cattle or some impersonal ugly machines. If a clever thought is expressed by a certain private, the officers all say quite indignantly: “Never forget that you are simply a soldier.” This is a comedy, a horrible, interminable comedy, where a bitter cry percolates through the laughter. In the end, you have no idea what to do, to cry or to laugh. O tempora, o mores![63]

Today, Ulfanian morally defeated me: we have a soldier, Karaulashvili is his surname, who is definitely a dolt, he suddenly gawks, staring wide-eyed at one and only one point. In these moments he seems to be unresponsive, as though sleeping, his face flushed red. His uniform is always dirty, as if he has just come out of the Chiatura charcoal mine. The major, abhorring him, cannot stand his presence in the battery.

This evening, Selezniov and Ulphanian have been to the rehearsals of the Coastal Squad guys: Jakobia, Javakhia and Kharchilava and I plan to put on a performance for the battery and some time ago we, too, were invited to take part in this activity; Selezniov was appointed as Responsible Manager, I was chosen to be a member of the commission and Uplhanian, the Director. This evening we talked a lot, poured out the eloquence, but did absolutely nothing. Just the contrary, Ulphanian happened to be a very zealous and enthusiastic a director, making the soldiers repeat the same thing endlessly. So the soldiers, pretty tired of the unending drudgery of the rehearsals, finally stole a book, thus in fact, figuratively speaking, cutting the throat of the old woman’s cock to stop her from getting up early. Then, there was a lot of laughter about the unending eagerness of Ulphanian: “This fanatic cannot be helped, he is doing it again! Look, off he goes again! The rehearsals are held every evening!” In the middle of the laughter and fun we suddenly remembered Karaulashvili, the schmuck. Then Sumbatashvili recalled how once the commander had asked me to call a soldier. As soon as I went out I happened to bang into Karaulashvili, so I called him. Then in response to his goggling the commander in turn also goggled and then shouted at me: “Are you kidding? Are you deriding me? I will put you on trial!” While in retrospection of many hilarious moments, I proposed to bring Karaulashvili just for fun, only to arouse more amusement, but Ulphanian refused: “I feel sorry for him. That is who he is,” he said. I also felt sympathy for this poor man but, however I brought him to us. Ulphanian talked to him without any irony. He asked how he was and what plans he had. He also offered him Kasha and emphasized his concern at seeing that before departing to Batumi the next day Karaulashvili did not have any shirt or proper shoes.

Today I wrote to Leonidze and asked him to send me The Tchashniki [Wine-Testing].

Wednesday, 5 January

It has happened at last, I, too, ended up behind bars. Finally it has been fulfilled what I was striving for with all my heart. I got here for something trifling, for some words or for ostensibly some failure to fulfill the work-related obligations. However, the real reason was the following: I was putting down some figures and they needed to be written in two colors, red and black. I saw the major’s pen was free and took it. At seeing that I am using his pen the major threw himself in frenzy and started shouting at me. I did not dare to say a word; just listened to him and then mumbled: “a saint will always remain a saint.” After that he became furious and raised quite a ruckus. My demeanor was considered as a breach of discipline so,

I have been imprisoned. Now, Topuria, the Chief of the Guard is keeping an eye on me. He definitely seems to be a clever and honest person. Poor man, what can he do? I am his prisoner. Kapanadze did not dare to detain me today.

I am still in prison. The privates asked me to write a report to the War Minister[64] that I shall do with great pleasure. Svimonishvili warned me about Tabagari, who had said that he himself would take the report to be signed: “Do not trust anybody,” said Svinomishvili, “people are full of shit. Once you make one step forward, they all will try to make you walk two steps back”.

Tsereteli took a book by the philosopher Karl Kautsky.[65]

Thursday, 6 January

I have a headache after I have spent a day in jail, I feel bad. That night I became acquainted with Topuria and loved this man very much. What a happiness to have a true, loving friend!

The major forgave me the second night. Tomorrow is Christmas. This evening I took my sermon to the priest and tomorrow I am going to preach.

Friday, 7 January

Today I preached my sermon[66] and the flock seemed to be very happy and satisfied. There were the soldiers of the regiment, too. I had a complaint filed on the major to the head of division, and all the soldiers, excited and delighted by the fact, would come down in groups that evening, some dressed only in their underwear just to sign it. Everything changed vice-versa the next day: all the people who had previously incited and motivated me to make that complaint, then either denied, or implored me to cross out their signatures. I keep all the correspondence of these excited days, so I may very well use them for my future story.

Saturday, 8 January

Today I happened to hear Mosidze saying that Peradze had snitched on the major. Is it possible for such a minor occurrence to cause a commotion? I think there is something hidden in it. The major accused me of being Bolshevik-type, a man; that when writing about hunger, cold and bareness in my report, I should have known better what the situation was like in our country.

I responded that we understood very well the current circumstances in Georgia. I told him that we were not afraid of hunger and bareness, but the only thing we demanded was humane treatment of soldiers who were indeed treated like beasts of prey. This happened on January. Nothing important occurred on January except that I happened to have a bitter squabble with Selezniov over papers I used in my work but which he used for quite other purposes. To my question as to what he had done with my papers, he answered with rude impudence: “I have used them!” Then I became angry and called him an oaf. By God! I called him by this word indeed and said I could hardly find other words to describe his actions. He happened to feel insulted and, despite my respect and love for him, he submitted a report asking the major to take disciplinary action against me.

Wednesday, 12 January

The major read the report this morning and asked me to apologize. Selezniov himself has not come yet. He lacks the good sense to understand I am in a serious difficulty with no hope of respite; the major looks at me as if I am a wild beast. It is clear that Selezniov took the chance to trample me underfoot revealing his harebrained, reckless, and irresponsible nature… He talked so much about friendship, and now he gives the major a denunciation of me. Spying and donos[67] are not the friendly act. He himself has committed treason now.

But, let the chips fall where they may! Now, the veil is pulled off. Things are visible as they are. I see everything face to face! The Lord’s hand is in all things!

Thursday, 13 January

Today is the anniversary of Masho’s death. I recalled her in a moment when I was reading a poem by Nikoloz Baratashvili Sheishrob tsremlsa chirt manelebels [I shall wipe my tears away / The tears we shed to decrease the sorrow].[68]

How can I forget you, my poor Masho! Oh, God have mercy on me!

Friday, 14 January

The general[69] has come today. I do not know if he knows me. He entered the office and talked about some money tokens without saying a word about me. Naturally, I remained silent. Then he went upstairs and continued his conversation there. I was accurately told of what he had said.

Masalkin reported him as saying to him: „Как вам не стыдно, я думал, что вы интелегентный человек, а такое совершаете – в чём дело – спросил я. Ах оствьте пожалуйста, неужели сами не знаете”. (“Shame on you! I thought you were an intelligent person but you are doing this.” “What’s up?” Masalkin asking, pretending ignorance. “Ah, drop it, please, you know very well what I am talking about”, was the general’s answer”).

Then Latsabidze came down to office, and this time I asked him to tell me what was happening upstairs; it was like this: the general inquired as to who had written the letter to the War Ministry and then said: “You cannot intimidate me with any letters. Do you think I do not feel sorry for the soldiers?” he asked, and then gave the order to arrest me. He happened to be so angry that his gills were shivering.

The major came down very satisfied, a scoffing, ironic smile tingling on his face. He quickly gave the order himself. Selezniov put my name on a list of detainees determining a three-week term of imprisonment, whereas the order stipulated only a two-week period. Let us wait a bit for the sky to clear, and I will deal with him! I asked the major if I was allowed to take my bed with me. I was given the possibility to have a bed at nights but on the condition that it would be given into the custody of the guards during the daytime. I told that I did not sleep during daytime.

I went upstairs and took my bed with Elizbarashvili. The moment I was leaving the office, Tchkadua told me the major was calling. Once again, I went downstairs, the account of me was sent to the General. I became very agitated and sent letters to Gerasime Imnaishvili[70] and Patriarch Leonide pleading them to intercede and try to put my case within the legal framework. The letters were sent on 12 January in the evening,and I have still been waiting for the responses. I was silent so far. Now I will let the thing to blow wide open.

Today, Vachnadze, Bedianidze, Barelidze, Kapanadze, Dekanoidze, Novikov, Gugunava and Janjghava went away. I am going to write a few letters tomorrow. Too many impressions amassed lately, but I feel a difficulty in expressing them.

Monday, 17 January

I am imprisoned but as soon as they let me free, while still I am a soldier, I plan to write a substantial story about the army and finish it…

Tuesday, 25 January

All the impressions are extremely clear and vivid. They seem to stay with me throughout my life. Nevertheless it is hard for me to continue with my diary. Oh God, just give me enough brainpower and aptitude to express and describe everything! I will be behind bars for two weeks. Let us see what comes next.

Friday, 4 February

It is evening now. I am sitting here in my cell, and there is some kind of a hiss in my ear. It torments and exasperates me, nagging all the time. I do not know what it wants from me.

Today I sent a letter to Vachnadze and received correspondence from Laundenbach. His comforting words gave me a sigh of relief. I am very grateful. He writes that “suffering for justice is good.”

I started writing a short-story but quit soon. What is the use of it now? Better to resume later. It is the matter of the future anyway. Five months of service left and then, should I teach once again somewhere in a remote village?! Oh, I am doing nothing, just nothing in order to resume my studies at the university! Nevertheless, starting from tomorrow, I am going to change this situation. I have become acquainted with officers. That is the fact that bears great significance for my future experience and development. By the way, this two-week imprisonment taught me a lot and I really opened my eyes at last. First, you cannot blindly trust everyone. There are not many you can put a lot of trust in. The more loud-mouthed and blatant a man is, the more coward and quitter he can be. Ulphanian has ended up behind bars for stealing kerosene. I shall resume my diary tomorrow.

Wednesday, 23 February

It is the end of the month, and I have only just remembered my diary. The battery is at the front. Since 5 February I had been at the hospital and I was released today at seven o’clock. I have described separately all my emotions and experiences during my stay in the hospital ward I have described separately. We have a new superintendant, Shkliarsky’s his surname, and so now I am teaching rookies the army charter. If I have any free time left, I will try to spend it on my self-development. The enemy troops have surrounded our homeland; they are attacking from all sides marching towards the capital. I know, our soldiers will hold on. They will never surrender Tbilisi, they will push back[71] the enemy and make the country free from the invaders.

Kutateladze, the commander, is a really interesting person, he told me his life story: in 1905 he happened to beat up his teacher, then, terribly frightened of his father’s possible punishment, fled to Poti, from there, across the sea, right to Novorosiysk, which he did not like so he moved to Rostov; he did not like it either and went on to travel to Ekaterinburg.

His story is very interesting and thought-provoking, about a woman he met at the front. She was eager to give herself to him but he demonstrated responsibility at the front and refused her. Indeed, this is the noble-mindedness and big heartedness of the Georgian man! Although I am on furlough now, I have no intention of going home till the end of the war. I consider it a crime, an evil act to take leave when my country is in danger.

Catholicos is surprising me. Now, while we all suffer from terrible calamities he keeps silent — he does not even say a word.[72] Is it a time for internal contradictions?! Are we proud of Gelati, only because of crowns and slippers that were kept there? If his thoughts leak to the public, they deserve criticism and disapproval. Indeed, it was clergy who really mattered once in the church, and not the slippers and crowns. Now the priests, who are not worth a dime, zealously cling and stick to golden treasures only to backdrop themselves against them and raise their significance but it is all the timing, just a temporary thing, I think.

Very interesting articles by Ekvtime Takaishvili[73] are being printed in Sakartvelo newspaper. Alas I have not read either the beginning, or the end. I have read only the middle parts and I liked them immensely. If I manage to obtain the newspaper copies, I will make everybody read them, but who will give me the newspapers in Akhaltsikhe? Who will make me worthy of such happiness?

Thursday, 24 February

Today is Thursday.[74] Nothing is as it was before, neither days, nor weeks. Time is passing so that one cannot perceive anything, and nothing memorable remains in one’s mind, either.

Friday, 25 February

Something awful and atrocious is happening around. Rumor has it that Tbilisi has surrendered.[75] But no, it is not true! So many provocations are spreading around! I run like crazy to and fro, up and down to find out the truth and, at last I have learnt, they took Tbilisi! Horrible! But, it is in the wind that our troops shall still manage somehow to retain it. Oh, God, save our country, save our tortured, tormented homeland! I am exhausted; I cannot do anything, cannot speak, and cannot act. What will happen to us? It is Saturday. Our soldiers have not returned. I do not like to read the previous pages of my diary, which will certainly make me more nervous and upset. They say France will give us a hundred thousand francs in aid.

5 March

Today is Saturday. Once again, provocations are being spread… no one knows for sure what the real facts are. One says Khashuri has been taken too,[76] while the other asserts that Georgians took back Mtskheta, I do not know whom to believe.

I am about to lose my mind. God knows what will happen next. Parkadze has returned from the front and delivered some news: Ulphanian turned out to desert. I still cannot do anything; I find it terribly hard to find words to properly tell all what I hear. I am totally unable to formulate my thoughts and feelings.

What desperation! What awaits us?

Sunday, 14 April

I have not added anything to my diary for so long. Lately my life has changed dramatically. After I was released from the hospital on Sunday, 17 April, I stayed in Akhaltsikhe for a while. From there I moved to Abastumani,[77] then Baghdadi,[78] and through the Zekari mountain pass,[79] to Guria. I travelled from Jikha to Nigoiti and across the whole Guria region. I had an interesting journey. I have suffered a lot and seen a lot. Too many impressions I have had, but when can I finally use them? I do not know. I hope they will not be lost.

As soon as I was released from the army, I was appointed a school teacher to the village of Manavi[80] in Kakheti. I am going there tomorrow, but how will they receive me?

I met Pkhaladze at the station, and he advised me to become a shepherd instead of a teacher, it turned out that would have provided me with a bit higher salary. He simply shared his opinion while I dreamed of becoming a wandering monk and preaching the Gospel to my flock. I have been consistently haunted by this idea lately.

I do not know which direction I will take! God save me! I have no way out. What would be my last sanctuary? Where will my wishes and aspirations bring me to? What if I am exaggerating and cannot see my purpose and destination in life properly? May be it is too early to say for sure what my purpose in life shall be.

What is the use of planning and foreseeing beforehand? No more unrealistic pipe dreams! The future will soon show me very clearly. One thing is obvious and unequivocal: if your path pleases God, then you will receive help in everything, and things will go very well. If not so, better not to start at all.

If I go to visit the monastery, solely in order to see Catholicos Ambrosi.[81] How many impediments and hindrances await me in the future, first of all from the Catholicosat Council and Reverends of clergy! Who knows how many sufferings await me?! Let us see what happens and how this plays out. Only my persistent day-dreams torment me to such extent that they simply poison my future, they put me on edge and nearly make me homicidal. Maybe it would be better to say adieu to my brilliant visions for the future?! Are they going to come true?

How low we, Georgians, have fallen! How low our morale has now become, in the 20th century! Bread is our one and only interest. Bread we revere and value the most! What is happening? I am constantly soul-searching. Where is this change in values leading me? How will this play out…

What is happening in Manavi?

Sunday, 29 May

Today is Sunday, and I am going to Manavi tomorrow. It has been two months since I was appointed a school teacher. Today I have been to Sioni to receive a blessing from His Holiness. The grandfather of Mikeladze was going to Catholicos, so I went behind him, and while we were walking, everybody watched him with astonishment as if they saw him for the first time. Indeed, some really saw him for first time and looked on with a smile, the others with scorn and derision, but most of them saluted him. The vendors sitting in front of their shops stood up as he passed by.

At the entrance of the residence Mikeladze left him, and the moment I appeared His Holiness grabbed me firmly and with face full of grief and sorrow told me in a fatherly voice: “I am devastated, discouraged; my heart is lost. Go to some other place, take your departure and save your youth!” And at hearing these words I sensed the paternal care, bitter anguish and sadness.

I will try to reason calmly and consistently…

Suppose I fail to leave for Germany and have to give up my higher aspirations, will I be able to serve our Church instead?

To become a priest just for statistics is shameful. To clad oneself in a cassock only to satisfy your stomach is a great transgression. To become a priest in the Catholic tradition, just like Padre and take up celibacy does not correspond with my views.

Believers need to be consolidated and unified. The only salvation for the church today, the only way out from that vicious circle is to be a believer oneself. Nothing can stop the ship from falling into the abyss, neither a party, nor some of Porakishvili’s philanthropy[82]; the salvation of the Church is in a true believer.

Your creed and faith is by no means the hollow appearance and mere ritualism; on the contrary, it interlocks the human’s whole life, from his birth to death. The church must respond to each thought and reasoning of the faithful; and its actions perceptive and exhortative, must be filled with forgiveness and remittal. All these must stem from and occur under the wings of the Gospel.

Possibly, separate religious parties can be created! Such measures sometimes resonate with society and serve as a breeding ground for future action. Probably I am wrong, but these thoughts of mine are based on many facts. Maybe, it contradicts the teachings of Christ, but what if salvation is in the preaching of a religious leader who could be elevated to the rank of the supreme civil ruler? That is my momentary fantasy, but I think that nowadays we should do just that in order to save our Faith and Church. But this requires profound knowledge and comprehensive education that one can receive only from Higher Education Institutions. Today, society may put its hopes in the church; it is from it that people expect salvation and relief, and if these sentiments are hidden today, it is temporary, because the fog is going to disperse soon and the life-giving sun-rays will soon highlight its full glory again.

Tuesday, 19 July

What might it be if not for a Divine Providence that at last I have finished what I started before! I have been to His Holiness many times, I have had talks with him so many times, and he used to express a lot of wonderful thoughts, but I have written down none of them, alas, it had never even crossed my mind to do this. Oh Lord, the ways you intend for me and thine instructions are still incomprehensible to me. As if I am too, guilty of his death, as if I also took part in this horrible tragedy. Maybe the abbess was right when saying that had I put on a cassock in time, then there could not have been such a demise. But who could have thought of it? Who could have imagined it? Our loving father, our shepherd has passed away…

His words are still ringing in my ears: “Where have we been? Do we deserve independence and statehood?” “Make the way known to me, wherein I should walk, for I have lifted up my soul to thee.”

We failed to guess your intentions, Your Holiness! We failed to comprehend your anguish, for we are the children of this age of lewdness and debauchery, children of this cursed century! We grew lesser becoming petty, small-minded little men. While being extremely mean and base, we fail to bear the cross to Golgotha. Daily bread and survival is our only purpose in life, and this concern, day by day, makes the divine fire in our hearts die away. You kept us in high esteem, you protected us! Where shall we go now? Oh, Lord, show me the way I should go, for to You I entrust my life! Your Holiness, pray to God that he would guide me to the right path and forgive me my transgressions, for I have enraged my guardian angel.

I seem to be going mad! What will happen to me now? My Father passed away. Poor Georgian church, how will you now exist? What awaits you in the future? Who will lead me now? Who will guide and protect me now? I cannot control my pen, Your Holiness, just show me the way I should go!

Wednesday, 20 July

Unfortunately, today has been one of the most sordid and filthy days of my life. And not only today has been so. Yet, have these days ever been happy? Have these days ever been good? Oh, Lord, when will you make my heart open and make my soul free to make me rejoice and feel delight at last?

In the morning of this day I saw Nazar the Metropolitan who talked a lot to me and gave advice. I have no idea what is going to happen to me, it is clear that I musteither marry or become a monk. It is like one thing or the other. I cannot keep going on like this anymore: with every passing day I melt; with each day I become wearier, and my thoughts are becoming confused… and these two ways. Which one will I take? I am more inclined to follow Metropolitan Nazar’s instructions, to receive a monthly salary from the Catholicosat Council and go to the University.[83] And next… God is merciful.

Since I returned from Manavi, I have become mired in the abyss of terrible transgressions, and today my wrongdoings have reached their climax: this evening I have quarreled with Mom; enraged, I have smashed the Borjomi[84] glass and also a saucer. Today Vaso was in a very good mood singing something to himself, and I shouted at him yelling: “What is there to sing around?” When I was sleeping, Mom covered me twice with a blanket and each time I threw it off irritated. Does His Holiness see all this?! Did not I think about monkhood, and of how I would go to the monastery?! My anxiety indicates I am about to collapse. I have two ways ahead, and definitely I will choose the second path. God is merciful and will help me.

Monday, 12 September

Next week probably, maybe on 25 or 26 September I will set off for Germany. Today I turned twenty two years old. I have been to Kutaisi, attending the Gelati Monastery Church Council.[85] I have a lot to write, however not knowing how to start or where to start. Tomorrow I am going to visit Gamsakhurdia,[86] then Toroshelidze[87] and after that preparing to watch Shahsey-Vahsey.[88] I am also going to the Catholicosat Council to stamp several papers. In the evening, there is a visit to Dempner,[89] at 108 Mikhailov Street.

Oh Lord, help and assist me in arranging my life! Without you I am nothing. I cannot achieve anything and, if I am allowed to receive what I yearn for, I shall be your obedient servant for the rest of my life.

Render assistance to me, oh, God, otherwise I am facing the second path where there is the gaping pharynx of the Giant Fish ready to swallow me. Is it possible that everything that has gone to such great pains, has been jaded and tortured for twenty two years, to be burnt at once?

Arthur Leist[90] helps me a lot.

Friday, 16 September

Today I went to see Serioja Kavtaradze.[91] And all the time, the same questions have been tormenting me: Who knows what awaits me in the future?! Who knows how things will turn out?! Who knows what my life, fate and future will be like?! I have no idea…

What is to be expected from God and from people? There is no help! No help at all for me. God is not helping me... What does he want from me? Have I done something wrong to him? Have I sinned against him? No, I am thinking in the wrong direction…

Oh, Lord, do not leave me!

Lend me your helping hand, protect me and be my guard! Where should I go? There is an awesome gloom everywhere. I am drowning in the blackness and darkness of the vague future: rotten, decayed and gagged. As though the sun shone out once, illuminating me with joy; as though the dawn broke finally, but alas, only for a short time. Help me, please, oh God! Intolerable abandonment, terrible mental detachment and loneliness gnaw at my soul, a piece of poetry by Dutu Megreli?[92] Why so much stuff? I have everything buried in my heart. God will certainly render me assistance and make my dreams come true, will He not? Is the moment I am longing for, going to come? If so, then when? While waiting for thedawn to break, I may become bogged down in such murkiness, from where it will be very difficult for me to climb out.

Thursday, 29 September

Today I received a foreign passport and other documents. Tomorrow I am going to Manavi only to return on Monday or Tuesday and then, to Germany. My dreams are more or less coming true, I only have to plan everything in good time, as it will be very difficult and late to do the same in Germany. A letter by Catholicos to Lepsius[93] and notarized documents need to be taken to the German Mission. Money is of secondary importance at the moment, and God may help me.

Oh Lord, I know that not only with my own efforts and labor, but with your benevolent assistance and support all these are becoming possible! Thereby I will try to dedicate my life and happiness to you, to serve your Glory and praise your Name.

Nonetheless, is it true? Can I believe in what is happening? It may be a dream. Help me oh, God!

Monday, 24 October

It has been nearly a month since I last wrote in my diary and I am still here. The time passes and I cannot yet manage to leave for Germany. Shall I succeed soon? The best and the only way for me is to go to Germany.

Aleko Muchiashvili was killed, he happened to trespass in someone’s vineyard, and I have to write his father a condolence letter. Definitely, God is not helping me, but what if He is?! What if I am lucky?!

While waiting for the outcome, utterly despairing, I am about to flee to some desert.

By the way, the Catholicosat Council gave me one hundred thousand rubles, and the Bishop also gave me the same sum and Karumidze assisted me with a half pound of sterling and one hundred francs. Now, while I am writing these words, my mother is on her knees praying.

I had to take my departure on Tuesday so I said farewell to all but, alas, all the same, I am still here, my departure did not take place and I am ashamed to meet people.

Ivanicki,[94] step by step, becomes imbued with the same moods that have already triumphed over the Catholicosat Council.

Tuesday, 25 October

Day by day, our life in Tbilisi has been deteriorating. There is a terrible scarcity of products. My mother is short of flour and bread. I put all my hopes in you, oh, God! From now on, I will try to be more firm and unshakable and do my best to cope with privations. I am so afraid of not being given permission! These Russians, they are big bastards. They hate and abhor Georgians and will always try hard to put a crimp into our education and development.

Today, Ilia the Monk[95] has visited us. I was so glad to see him. He is such a nice person who loves me much and has significant respect for me. He plans to move to the Betania[96] monastery and hopes to take me there with him. Only do I follow? Let us see how life goes and what demands it will make on me.

Poor, poor Muchiashvili! Just how sorry I am for him! He passed away the day I was leaving Manavi, getting back to Tbilisi on foot, dragging my belongings. While being in Avlabari I wrote a condolence letter and left it to Kato to be sent to Manavi by post and still not knowing if they have received or not.

Keke Gabashvili[97] and Kote,[98] his son…

My issue will be addressed in two weeks, it has almost become a question of life and death to me.

I visited the wife[99] of Budu Mdivani.[100] She assured me she would talk to her husband on my issue and asked me in turn to submit an official application. OK, I will do it, if it is of any help.

Wednesday, 26 October

These days I can hardly share any of my thoughts with my diary. I seem to have been turned away from this activity of mine, but it is all life to blame. The present circumstances are driving me almost into a frenzy, hope and utter desperation replace each other in a dizzying sequence. And there is my mother. I hear her complain and cry interminably because of the dreadful shortage of flour and bread, and the absence of money. All these take a toll on my mood and my body. I am devastated, and my life is being poisoned.

I have been told today that I would depart on Tuesday. Let us see if these promises come true. It will be great if this last hope is fulfilled. Today I saw Niko Tavdgiridze[101] and Shalva Karumidze.[102] Yesterday I went to my apartment for the last time.[103] I am kind of going mad, walking to and fro, trying to avoid meeting and talking with my acquaintances and friends. My nerves are shattered terribly, and this is not the only problem: We all know what is going on, what this is all about. All the same, I will not be upset and intimidated by talk and thoughts, and gestures of theatrical amazement of such a ramshackle, moldy government official like Noe Zhordania and his accomplices. They really deserve derision and more. Just how I hate Noe Zhordania!

Where am I going? What am I going for? Do I have any precise idea? I seem to know very well… But… Indeed, there are no questions, or concerns other than these in my life. I just trust into God; I follow his instructions and follow where my soul leads me. But what if I will not be allowed in Novorosiysk to continue my journey to Germany and instead am forced to return to Georgia? God save me from such turn of events!

Tense and loaded with heavy thoughts, lately I have started to try my hand at poetry. I wrote four pieces: Manavis kheoba, Troleti and Uprto mprinavni as well as Chems mamas I believe that I need to read more and get to know more of the works by contemporary Georgian writers and poets. I need to learn more about what the poetic styles, rhyme, rhythm and canons are in our literature. I think I also possess some talent for poetry and managing to develop it a bit more, I may very well make some contribution into Georgian literature.

I lied to Tavdgiridze saying I had four pounds sterling. Am I not ashamed of the act? Oh, my God!

Kakheti[104] and the Georgian Revolutionary Committee[105] refused to help. Lord, please, do not block my path, do not ruin my life!

Ilia the Monk brought us some cheese and Chelishis varianti kartlis moktseva,[106] a book by Archimandrite Ambrosi Khelaia. When I have some free time, I would love to write a little humorous story Mealbome poetebi (Album Poets).

Sunday, 30 October

Today is Sunday. Catholicos Ambrosi is conducting the Divine Liturgy at Sioni Cathedral[107], and I wish to go there. In the morning Kato called upon us, and I followed her to the Soldiers’ Market.[108] As we arrived there, I changed my mind about going to Sioni as I imagined what a fuss the priests would make at seeing me, so I went to Kaloubani[109] church where there was only one worshiper. Well, be that as it may, I did a turn around and head for Sioni. The service there was performed with only a few churchgoers attending. Maisuradze’s Choir was singing terribly, I doubt that they believe in God.

Catholicos delivered the homily, based on one of the sermons of John Chysostom, who said: “You are the true believers, you are faithful” at seeing there were only a few believers in the Church of Antioch. The homily’s main topic was derived from the Gospel: “Be perfect therefore, as your heavenly Father is perfect”[110] To my mind, on this great idea, a much better sermon could be delivered, which at the same time would be more relevant to the present-day circumstances, but alas, that one was far from perfect. Our bishops were all in Kalimavkions[111] like the Catholicos, the Leader of our Church, but the Catholicos himself wore very special one fastened with a diamond-studded platinum cross. With the style of his headgear he resembled more the Russian Patriarch rather than Georgian Patriarch. In the introduction to his homily, he noted that it had been only three months since he had become the Catholicos but the sermon was the first during that period. He explained that fact by the poverty of the church and the absence of a choir. But, to my mind, either you choose to be like the Armenian Catholicos or the Pope and conduct the solemn service once a year, or reject the prestige of the church’s supreme leadership and lower yourself to the position of a simple priest, just like David or others.

I met the wife[112] of Mikhako Tsereteli[113] who proved to be very glad at seeing me. She gave me the warmest welcome ever and told me that I would depart on Sunday. I do not know what happens next but anyway, I will go to Manavy on Tuesday to bring some flour from there — otherwise by staying in Tbilisi any longer, I am definitely going to die of starvation.

Tuesday, 1 November

Yesterday I went to Pastor Mayer.[114] He was glad to see me and received me very warmly. He liked my idea of studying theology but advised me not to go to Berlin University. “There are two directions in theology in Germany today,” he said. “One is occupied by the atheist theologians, who try to do their best to make you lose your faith and love for the service in church. Professor Harnack[115] belongs to this category and is head of the Department of Theology in Berlin University. You can ask Pastor Lepsius, who may give you the best advice and guide you very well. He can direct you and put you on the right path, so you can trust him and rely on him like on your own father. Do not be afraid, he will take care of you and provide you with housing.”

I am going abroad (if I go) with only one aspiration: to serve the church and dedicate all my knowledge and competence acquired to Him. What is the use of me entering the faculty that makes me lose my love for the Church and my faith in Him, deprives of my desires and higher ambitions? I cannot afford that! It is better for me to lead a provincial life in cities such as Erlangen,[116] or Leipzig,[117] or, let us say, Greifswald.[118] Life is much cheaper in these cities, and it would be easier for me to make a living and strengthen my faith.

Today, Gobron gave Vaso his suit…

I still do not know for certain if it is possible to take my departure. Until now I have been waiting for what the mission will say. In case they refuse, it will not matter anymore what I shall die of, hunger or thirst.

К чёрту![119] In this case am heading straight to Istanbul. I will go, certainly, what else should I do? The Lord’s hand is in all things!

Friday, 4 November

Today, a telegram was received from Berlin. Its copies were sent to Novorossiysk and Moscow. It conveys nothing especially interesting but, all the same, a little breeze of hope blew. I will set off on Monday, or Tuesday. My mother’s crying reminds me of the lack of flour and bread. She implores me to go to His Holiness and ask him for some food. Archil too is here but she wants me to go to the Catholicos. This month I have spent half a million.[120] What else can I do? Leave me alone, get off my back...

I went to Kekelidze.[121] He told me that the Germans will not accept me with the document I have. He promised me to prepare another, appropriate one, for which I have to call upon him at ten o’clock tomorrow. I will go to see him tomorrow[122], without question.

Sunday, 6 November

Tuesday is the last day. I am terribly dissatisfied with myself. All day long my mother goes to Didube just for five hundred rubles. I, as before, only waste money. This evening I spent three thousand five hundred rubles. It indicates the weak will with which that I have to fight and overcome. Всякого следует считать невиновным, пока не докажут что он виновен.[123] Probably, I am leaving[124] Number 8... What does it mean?

Does it mean eight, or refusal? Does it mean victory? I do not know.

[1] The White Iris is an unfinished novel by Grigol Peradze. Forty pages of text typed on a typewriter are preserved at Korneli Kekelidze Tbilisi National Center of Manucsripts. In the text all the footnotes by David Kolbaia.

[2] Ernst Renan (1823‒1892) — a French writer, Orientalist, Semitologist, historian, philologist and philosopher; widely known for his research in the realm of history of religion. Ernst Renan, Paul the Apostle (1869).

[3] Prayer book, by which he studied German, is preserved in Kolbaia’s private collection. Der goldene Himmelsschlüssel. Nach dem ehrw. P. Martin v. Cochem für fromme und heilsbegierige Seelen (Verlagsanstalt Benziger & Co, 1900).

[4] Infantry brigades of the Georgian army. They included a brigade administration, four infantry battalions and an artillery division. The latter comprising of three batteries. According to the deployment of the year 1919, the 3rd artillery battalion was stationed in the city of Gori. But due to the devastating earthquake in 1920, the artillery division with its three batteries was moved to Akaltsikhe. Grigol Peradze served in the 3rd infantry brigade of the 3rd battery of the artillery division.

[5] Shota Rustaveli, or Rustveli (1160/1165 ‒?) — a great Georgian poet and thinker of the 12th century, the author of the Georgian classic The Knight in the Panther’s Skin. In 1960, a group of Georgian scientists comprising of Irakli Abashidze, Giorgi Tsereteli and Akaki Shanidze, discovered his portrait depicted on a pillar at the Jerusalem Cross Monastery. Legend has it that Rustaveli died at the same monastery.

[6] The identity of this person remains unknown.

[7] “Самая ужасная тирания ‒ это тирания мелочей” — quote from the column “The Tyranny of Mere Nothing and The Crime of The Individualism” [Тирания мелочей и преступность индивидуальности] by Russian lawyer, journalist, and writer Leonid Andreev (1871‒1919), who is considered the founding father of Russian expressionism. He could not accept the Bolshevik revolution so he quickly moved to Finland, where he died at 48 years of age.

[8] Hypochondria — an abnormal chronic anxiety about one’s health.

[9] Finkel, Alexandr Moiseevich (1899‒1968) — a famous linguist, professor and translator from several European languages. He is the author of school and university textbooks as well as articles on Russian language and translation theory. Until the end of his life, he worked on a complete translation of William Shakespeare’s Sonnets.

[10] Grigol Peradze never published a story with such a title.

[11] Father Beniamin Kandelaki (1877‒1944) — born to a family of a priest; studied at the Tbilisi Theological Seminary in 1894‒1900. In 1904, he was appointed prior to the St. Marine Church in Akhaltsikhe and then to Tbilisi Kaloubani Mother Mary church. In 1917, he participated in the historic Church Council held for the first time since the abolishment of the independence of the Georgian Church by Russian authorities. The bishops at the Council unilaterally restored the autocephalous status of the Georgian church. He was also a member of the Akhaltsikhe branch of the Society for Dissemination of Literacy. Arrested in 1937, he was sent to exile in Russia, where he died in 1944.

[12] Newpaper Communist, an official organ of the Central and Tbilisi Communist Party Committees. The first issue of the newspaper was published on 3 June 1920

[13] Mkhedari [rider] — ian llustrated weekly edition of the cultural and education section of the War Ministry. Published from May to December 1920.

[14] Grigol Peradze had two brothers. The older one, Archil (1895‒1937), a military serviceman, shot together with his wife during the repressions of the 1930s. The younger one, Vasili (1903‒1982), was a lecturer in physics.

[15] Major Alexandre Mosidze (1892‒1937) by order No. 595 of the Government of the Republic of Georgia was appointed head of the 3rd battery of the 3rd Artillery Division. The Central Historical Archive, National Council, description 1, fund 183, p. 17 — 1836 papers, case 412.

[16] Katelok — the collar of a soldier’s upper garment.

[17] Эрнест Жозеф Ренан, Апостол Павел (1869).

[18] E. Renan, la Vie de Jésus, édition revue et augmentée, réédition d'après la 13e édition (1867), premier volume de l'Histoire des Origines du christianisme. Calmann Lévy (Paris, 1895). Эрнест Жозеф Ренан, Жизнь Иисуса (1863).

[19] Жозеф Ренан, Апостолы (transl. М. А. Шишмаревой, 1907).

[20] “And if Christ is not risen, then our preaching is empty and your faith is also empty”, 1 Corinthians

15:14.

[21] The identity of this person remains unknown.

[22] The government of the independent Republic of Georgia took care of the Georgian soldiers’ level of education and erudition; this is why the special educational project comprising of Company school (130‒150 soldiers), Battalion school (1,000 soldiers) and the Soldiers’ University was launched. Peradze was appointed a Company school teacher. For more on this project see: D. Silakadze, “Pirveli respublikis sheiaraghebuli dzalebis shemaperkhebeli paktorebi. sakartvelos demokratiuli respublikis gakhsenebis 100 tslis shemdeg - modeli evropisatvis?”, Tbilisi: International Scientific Forum, 2018, pp. 227‒288.

[23] Archimandrite Pavle Japaridze (1888‒1929) took monastic vows in one of the Mount Athos monasteries. After his return to Georgia he was assigned to the Shio Mghvime Monastery. In 1918‒1921 studied at Tbilisi State University. After the Bolshevik invasion of Georgia, he returned to Svetitskhoveli Cathedral Church as a deputy prior. On the assignment of Catholicos–Patriarch, he and Bishop David Kachakhidze placed the church treasures of Kutaisi at the vault of the diocese house of Nazar the Metropolitan. He was put on trial in 1924 together with the other members of the Catholicosat Council. He died in 1929 and is buried in the church yard in Svetitskhoveli.

[24] Deacon Gerasime Jajanidze (1868‒1924) — a lecturer at the Theological Seminary. Along with Metropolitan Nazar and other clergymen, he was executed by order of Bolsheviks in the Sapichkhia forest. Canonized by the Georgian Church.

[25] Father Dimitri Kezel.

[26] The first Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians — written in around 59 AD and consisting of 16  chapters.

[27] Vladimir Lenin. Ulianov was his birth name (1870‒1924). He was a Russian revolutionary, politician, and political theorist. He served as the first and founding head of the government of Soviet Russia from 1917 to 1924 and of the Soviet Union from 1922 to 1924.

[28] Lev Trotsky (Lev Bronstein) (1879‒1924) — a Marxist, revolutionary and theoretician; founder and the first leader of the Red Army.

[29] See Ananias and Sapphira (Acts 5:1-11).

[30] Saint Metropolitan Nazar (1872‒1924) — born Joseph Lezhava, shot during the Bolshevik Repressions in the Sapichkhia Forest close to Kutaisi on 27 August 1924.

[31] A typewriter produced in the USA by Remington and Sons, released first in 1873.

[32] This information was not true. Under the then existing law on Compulsory Military Service and the Replenishment of the Armed Forces, the soldiers were drafted into the infantry for 16 months and to the other military structures for 20 months. Thanks for this information to Mr. Dimitri Silakadze.

[33] Anatoli Vasilievich Lunacharsky (1875‒1933) — a political figure, writer, publicist, critic and literature historian. During 1917‒1929, he served as the People’s Commissar for Education of the Soviet Russia.

[34] Saint Giorgi Basilica built during the 9th‒11th centuries is situated in the place called Rabati in Akhaltsikhe.

[35] “There were also women looking on afar off: among whom was Mary Magdalene and Mary the mother of James the less and of Jacob and Salome.” Mark 15:38‒41, King James Bible.

[36] at Circenses – Bread and Circuses, Latin quotation from Juvenal, the Roman poet of the late 1st century AD. It denotes sustenance and entertainment provided by government to appease public discontent.

[37] A letter by Elene Barnabishvili to Grigol Peradze where she asks him to borrow her 400 rubles.

[38] Mariam Samadalashvili (1868‒1932) — mother of Grigol Peradze, wife of Romanoz Peradze, the Prior of Bakurtsikhe St. Giorgi Church.

[39] The mother’s letter is of private character; it represents an undated manuscript.

[40] Noe Zhordania (1868‒1953) — the head of the government of the Democratic Republic of Georgia in 1918‒1921, and the head of the Georgian émigré community in France. He died in Paris in 1953.

[41] Leonide Okropiridze (1861‒1921) ‒ the Catholicos-Patriarch of All Georgia during 1918‒1921, a public figure and theologician, a staunch crusader for autocephaly (independence) of the Georgian Church.

[42] St. Kirion the Second (1855‒1918) — Georgian religious leader and public figure; the name before ordination was Giorgi Sadzaglishvili. He served as the first Catholicos‒Patriarch of All Georgia after the restoration of autocephaly (independence) of the Georgian Orthodox Church from the Russian Orthodox Church in 1917 until his assassination in 1918. He was canonized by the Holy Synod in 2002. Commemorated on 26 July, the day of his murder.

[43] The government's decision to take religious treasures from the churches stirred up a bitter controversy among the public. The Menshevik government, considering religious treasures to be a part of the national treasure, eventually put it under state control. “The Black Army of Clergy Attacks Democracy,” Ertoba, no. 283, 11 December 1920.

[44] Galaktion Tabidze (1891‒1959) — a Georgian poet, named the ‘King of Georgian Poetry’. First poetry collection, titled Artistuli kvavilebi, was published in 1919. He ended his life by committing suicide. He is buried in the Mtatsminda Pantheon for Writers and Public Figures in Tbilisi.

[45] Fyodor Dostoevsky (1821‒1881) — a Russian novelist, philosopher, essayist, and journalist.

[46] The Humiliated and Insulted (or otherwise Injury and Insult), a novel by Dostoevsky, first published in 1861.

[47] Matt 3:3

[48] Mensheviks (derived from Russian меньше — less, minority) — one of the three dominant factions in the Russian socialist movement. Mensheviks established themselves as a separate party in 1917. Their movement achieved a conspicuous success in Georgia. The party had been officially banned in the Soviet Russia since 1921.

[49] Pravda (truth) — a leading Russian-language Soviet newspaper, the official organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party during 1921–1991. The Newspaper was closed down by the order of President Yeltsin.

[50] Gabrusha Chachanidze (1901‒1956) — Gabriel the Metropolitan was a friend of Grigol Peradze from the Theological Seminary. He enrolled in Tbilisi University in 1921, where he studied philosophy. As a lecturer he later taught the history of Antiquity and the Ancient East at the same university. He is buried in the fence‒wall of the Sioni Cathedral in Tbilisi.

[51] Tchashniki (Georgian) — wine-tasting. A. Neyman, The Dictionary of Georgian synonyms (1978), p. 559.

[52] “Sulta tana”, the Georgian chant for the dead performed during the funerals and memorial services. The Georgian Chant Anthology, under musical edition of L. Vepkhvadze and S. Jangurashvili, vol. 1 (Tbilisi, 2016), pp. 375‒378.

[53] Damien de Martel (1878‒1940) — a French diplomat, appointed the Chief Commissioner of France to the Caucasus in 1920.

[54] The church was supposedly closed and brought down during the Soviet times. As a result of Stalin’s antireligious policy, 1212 churches were demolished throughout Georgia in 1923 alone.

[55] Saint Marine Church in Akhaltsikhe.

[56] William John Locke (1863‒1930) — an English writer. His novel Idols was published in 1911.

[57] Thiseli Our Lady Church was built in the 14th‒15th centuries. The monument was visited and described by Countess Uvarova at the end of the 19th century and by the Georgian historian and archaeologist, Ekvtime Takaishvili, during his expedition in 1902.

[58] Saphara Monastery — one of the residences of the Jakeli noble family, who were the Lords of Samtskhe — the Southern province in Georgia. It was built in the 10th century. Many eminent thinkers and public figures of medieval Georgia such as Catholicos Arseni (9th century), Ivane and Gabriel of Saphara (9th and 10th centuries), Johanne Mtbevari (12th century), Ephrem the Scribe and many others worked and were active there. Ekvtime Takaishvili, “Сафарский монастырь - его надписи и остатки настенной росписи,” Tkhzulebani, vol. 5 (Tbilisi, 2018), pp. 69‒85.

[59] Vardzia, the rock monastery complex of 12th‒13th centuries, hewn out of the yellowish-pink layer of tufaceous breccia in a cliff mass on the slopes of Erusheti mountains. This 13-tired complex, stretching 500 meters in length, played an immeasurable part in Georgian political and cultural life. Johanne Shavteli created his chants to “Galobani vardziisa ghvtismshoblisani” there. From the vast book-repository of Vardzia the exquisitely illustrated Gospel of the 12th century has survived to this day. On the wall of the Vardzia Church of Assumption, along with the depiction of the scenes from the life of Jesus, there are also full-length portraits of King Giorgi III and his daughter, Queen Tamar. Shalva Amiranashvili, The History of Georgian Art (Tbilisi, 1971), pp. 263‒267 (in Georgian).

[60] Kumurdo Cathedral was built in the 10th century, and its ruins have survived to this day. It is situated nearthe village of Kumurdo, where the remains of ancient settlements have been discovered. Johanne and Zosime of Kumurdo were active there in 9th and 10th centuries, respectively.

[61] Policy of the Georgian government provided soldiers with choice to distinguish between the compulsory military service and the honorable duty of soldier — his civil rights and obligations. This attitude is reflected in Grigol Peradze’s records. See: D. Silakadze, Desertion Problems in the Armed Forces of the First Georgian Republic (1918‒1921), Scientific works of the Institute of History of Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, vol. 2 (Tbilisi, 2011), pp. 389‒391.

[62] Captenarmus — derived from French capitaine d’armes. In US and UK — Master-at-Arms. It is a military rank and military position in a number of armies and fleets of the armed forces of the states of the world. Captenarmus was in charge of receiving and distributing food, clothing and weapons to the platoon officers and soldiers.

[63] O, tempora, o, mores! — a Latin exclamation that translates literally as “Oh the times! Oh the customs!”, first recorded to have been spoken by Cicero in his speech against Catilina. Marcus Tulius Cicero (106‒42 BC) was the best and the most renowned orator in Ancient Rome.

[64] Nikoloz Chichinadze (1873‒1921) — a Georgian political figure, War Minister of the Democratic Republic of Georgia from November 1920 to February 1921.

[65] Karl Kautsky (1854‒1938) — a German philosopher, Marxist theoretician and journalist. One of the main advocates actively supporting the process of international recognition of the Republic of Georgia. Rendered considerable assistance to the Georgian delegation in Germany. Arrived in Georgia and stayed there from September to December of 1920 and together with his wife, Luise Kautsky, donated some valuables to the Georgian Defence Fund.

[66] Grigol Peradze published the sermon supposedly in Poland in 1937. Grzegorz Peradze, “Droga do zwycięstw,” Polska Stronica Słowa, vol. 2, no. 18‒19 (1937): 4 [= “Gza gamarjvebisaken,” see: St. Grigol Peradze, About the Pre-Byzantine Georgian Liturgy, Patrologia, Poetry, Sermons, II, ed. D. Kolbaia, pp. 361-366 (in Georgian)].

[67] Donos (Russian) — an incriminating letter and denunciation;a message to the authorities (in general, to any bosses) about someone’s actions, reprehensible from the point of view of the boss, but not from the point of view of society

[68] Nikoloz Baratashvili (1817‒1845) — a Georgian poet and lyricist. That poem of his was written in 1843.

[69] Supposedly General Varden Tsulukidze (1865‒1923) — commander of the 3rd Brigade is implied to which the 3rd Battery of the 3rd Division Grigol Peradze served in was subordinate. Following the Bolshevik annexation of Georgia, General Tsulukidze became actively involved in anti-occupation movement. He was a member of the Army Centre and was shot on 20 May 1923.

[70] Gerasime Imnaishvili was a permanent member of the Tbilisi branch of the Society for the Dissemination of Literacy and a candidate member of Catholicosat Council.

[71] The 11th Army was a unit of the then newly created Soviet Armed Forces, counting approximately 45,000 officers and soldiers. They crossed the North Caucasus range and advanced deeper into the country. It played a crucial role in the Sovietization of the three republics of the South Caucasus in 1918‒1921.

[72] Grigol Peradze is not informed that on 22 February 1921 the newspaper Sakartvelo promulgated the address by Catholicos Leonide in which he called people for fight and sacrifice. Sakartvelo 41, 22 February 1921, p. 1

[73] Ekvtime Takaishvili (1863‒1953) — a Georgian scientist, historian, archaeologist, and public figure — one of the founding fathers of the Tbilisi State University.

[74] On 24 February the Red Army made a simultaneous charge against the three front-line areas of Tbilisi.

[75] On 25 February, the Bolshevik army took Tbilisi.

[76] Here the battle of Osiauri is meant; it started on 4 March with significant success of the Georgian National Army, but the next day, as a result of the enemy’s counter-attack, the city of Khashuri fell. See: D. Silakadze, “Osiauris brdzola (ruset-sakartvelos 1921 tslis omi)”, ivane javakhishvilis tbilisis sakhelmtsipo universitetis sakartvelos istoriis institutis shromebi), pp. 389‒391.

[77] The village of Abastumani is situated on the southern slopes of the Meskheti Range, in the gorge of the River Otskhi, 28 kilometers from Akhaltsikhe.

[78] The village of Baghdadi is located on the Imereti Plain, on the River Khanistskali.

[79] Zekari Pass or the Iron Cross Pass (2182 meters above sea level) — lies in the Imereti region, on the range of Meskheti. The Zekari pass provided a road connecting Baghdadi to Abastumani.

[80] Manavi is a village in Kakheti region.

[81] St. Ambrosi (Besarion Khelaia) (1861‒1927) — Catholicos-Patriarch of All Georgia in 1921‒1927. Repressed by the Bolsheviks, he was put in Metekhi jail until the end of 1924. Being under house arrest he was forbidden to hold worship. Died in 1927. Commemorated on 29 March.

[82] Ekaterina Porakishvili-Sarajishvili (1862‒1916) — the wife of the wealthy Georgian industrialist David Sarajishvili, patron and generous benefactor of Georgian art and literature.

[83] In the autumn of 1921, Grigol Peradze enlisted in the Tbilisi State University at the faculty of Philosophy. See St. Grigol Peradze, History of Monasticism in Georgia. Early History of the Georgian Church, I, ed. D. Kolbaia, p. 358 (in Georgian).

[84] A 140 ml glass known as Borjomi mineral water glass.

[85] On 1‒5 September 1921, the 3rd Church Council was held at Gelati Our Lady Monastery where Ambrosi Khelaia the Metropolitan was elected Catholicos-Patriarch of All Georgia.

[86] Konstantine Gamsakhurdia (1891‒1975) — a Georgian writer and philosopher. In different periods he studied in St. Petersburg, Konigsberg, Leipzig, Munich and Berlin Universities. In 1921 he returned to Georgia with a PhD and became involved in literature as well as political and social activities.

[87] Malachia Toroshelidze (1880‒1937) — a Bolshevik revolutionary, Soviet party and political figure, publicist, critic and rector at Tbilisi State University in 1928‒1930. He also chaired the Georgian Writers’ Union and served as the People’s Commissar of Education. He was shot during the repressions in 1937.

[88] Contracted form of “Shahsey-Vahsey" exclaimed by the worshippers during Ashura — the solemn day of mourning the martyrdom of Hussein, the grandson of the prophet Muhammad, during which the men and women dressed in black parade through the streets slapping their chests, chanting. They seek to emulate the sufferings of Hussein by flagellating themselves with chains, lamenting and grieving to the tune of drums.

[89] The writing is hard to read.

[90] Arthur Leist (1852‒1927) a German writer, journalist and public figure, translator of the Georgian and Armenian literature. See Sh. Revishvili, “Arthur Leist and the Georgian Literature,” Georgian Literature in Schools, no. 1 (1967); A.Woźniak, “Dobry Europejczyk w Tyflisie. Śladami Artura Leista,” Pro Georgia, 7 (1998): 8‒99.

[91] Sergo (Serioja) Kavtaradze (1885‒1971) — a Bolshevik Revolutionary; served as representative of the RSFSR to Georgia from May 1920 to February 1921. After the country’s Sovietization, he was appointed Head of the Georgian Soviet Republic’s Council of People’s Commissars for a short period.

[92] Dutu Megreli (Dimitri Khoshtaria) (1867‒1938) — a writer, poet and public figure, member of Tbilisi District Court; also worked at the administration of the Georgian Constituent Assembly. In 1919, he published his poem Prometheus. On 26 May of the same year, published his new poem “Amiran the Hero Broke Free in the newspaper” Ertoba (unity) dedicated to Ivane Gomarteli. Buried at Didube Pantheon of Writers and Public Figures.

[93] Johannes Lepsius (1858‒1926) — son of Karl Lepsius, the prominent German Egyptologist. He was a writer, public figure, as well as pastor and Evangelical Church missionary. In 1895 he founded Deutsche Orient-Mission, which published the magazine Der Orient (1919‒1936). Johannes Lepsius contributed greatly to the Grigol Peradze’s arrival and subsequent study in Germany.

[94] Raphiel Ingilo-Ivanicki (1866‒1966) — a Georgian lawyer, journalist and religious figure, member and the secretary at the Catholicosat Council, member of the National Council from Saingilo. In his journalistic activity in 1918‒1920, he severely denounced cosmopolitan policy of the Georgian Social-Democratic rule. From 1922, he lived in Berlin, Vienna and Rome. In 1948, he was ordained priest and appointed rector at Madrid St. Andrew the First-Called Church established by Irakli Bagrationi and the Georgian emigration.

[95] Father Ilia (Pantsulaia) — an active personality at the Holy Mount Athos.

[96] Betania Monasteri (12th‒13th centuries) is situated to the West of Tbilisi in Didgori district. The wall of the church preserves the portrait of Queen Tamar.

[97] Ekaterina (Keke) Gabashvili (1851‒1938) — a writer and public figure. The newspaper Khma Kartveli Kalisa (The Voice of a Georgian Woman) published her article “Hello, Independent Georgia” in 1918. In 1921, her granddaughter, Maro Makashvili fell on the Kojori-Tabakhmela battlefield on 19 February 1921. Ekaterina is buried in the Didube Pantheon of Georgian Writers and Public Figures.

[98] Konstantine (Kote) Makashvili (1876‒1927) — the father of Maro Makashvili, was a poet, director of the Nobility bank, one of the founders and the first Chairman of the Georgian Writers’ Union.

[99] Mariam Mdivani — the wife of Budu Mdivani, together with her husband, Budu Mdivani, repressed in late 1930s.

[100] Polikarpe (Budu) Mdivani (1877‒1937) — a Bolshevik revolutionary and statesman. He served as the representative of the RSFSR to The Republic of Turkey. In 1921‒1922, he headed the Georgian Revolutionary Committee at the same time serving as the Chairman of the Trans-Caucasian All-Union Council. Repressed and executed in 1937.

[101] Niko Tavdgiridze (1871‒?) — a journalist and public figure, member of the Society for the Dissemination of Literacy among Georgians.

[102] Shalva Karumidze (1887‒1952) — one of the founding members of the National Democratic Party. From 1920, a member of the Georgian Constituent Assembly.

[103] Before taking his departure to Germany, Grigol Peradze lived in 9th district in Tbilisi at Church Street 9.

[104] Kakheti Society had existed since 1895 and united 246 Winemakers in 1920‒1921.

[105] The Georgian Revolutionary Committee had ceased power in Georgia after the events of 25 February 1921 took place. Philipe Makharadze was the first Chairman of The Rev-Com. He abolished the Constituent Assembly and Ministries and replaced them with Militia and the Emergency Commission to fight effectively the Anti Soviet movement spreading in Georgia.

[106] The book Conversion of Kartli’s hitherto unknown edition was found by Archimandrite Ambrosi Khelaia in Chelishi Monastery, along with another manuscript of Chelishi Gospel. Ambrosi Khelaia brought all his discoveries to Tbilisi and handed them over to the Museum of Ethnographical and Historical society (the manuscripts nowadays are preserved at the National Center of Manuscripts)

[107] Sioni Cathedral is one of the oldest Georgian churches, built in the 10th century. Several magnificent icons of Mother Mary and the relic of Georgia — the Cross of St. Nino, the enlightener of Georgia, are kept there.

[108] The Soldier’s Market was located where today Orbaliani Square is (Collective Farm Square during the Soviet Times). It was also called ‘Russian’s Square’, because on Sundays the Russian soldiers would gather there. The market used to sell everything from furniture to small household stuff. T. Kvirkvelia, The Old Tbilisi Settlements (Tbilisi, 1985) [in Georgian].

[109] Kaloubani is the name of the historical quarter of Tbilisi which spanned the territory from the current Palace of Youth to the Tbilisi History Museum. The name of the district is mentioned in the historical sources as far back as the 16th century. An early medieval church of St. Giorgi used to stand where Rustaveli Cinema Theatre is located at present.

[110] Matt, The Beatitudes, 48.

[111] The Kalimavkion, Kamelaukion — a stiff cylindrical head covering worn by the clerics in the Orthodox Church or awarded to the so called White clergy as a tribute. It can be either purple or black in color. It can also be covered by a black veil. The name for this headdress is derived from a Greek word standing for camel fur. Black Kalimavkions are worn by cenobites, hiero-deacons and archdeacons. Priests can also wear the Kalimavkilns while performing the service as a symbol of the crown of thorns and the death of the Christ.

[112] Tamar Vakhvakhishvili — the wife of Mikhako Tsereteli.

[113] Mikheil (Mikhako) Tsereteli (1878‒1965) — an Orientalist, philosopher, sociologist, public figure and journalist. In 1918‒1919, he served as the representative of the Democratic Republic of Georgiato Germany and the Scandinavian countries.

[114] Richard Meyer (1968‒1933) — head of the Evangelist-Lutheran Church in Georgia in 1900‒1931. Arrested in 1932 and sent in exile to Siberia. Executed in Moscow in 1933.

The German Lutheran Church (Lutherische Kirche Sankt Peter and Paul) was situated in Tbilisi at the intersection of today’s Kote Marjanishvili Street and David Aghmashenebeli Avenue.

See: N. Papuashvili, The History of Evangelist-Lutheran Church in Georgia (Tbilisi, 1918).

[115] Adolf von Harnack (1951‒1930) — a German theologian, church historian and pathrologist. With his comments, Ivane Javakhishvili published The Martyrdom of Eustate from Mtskheta in the German language.

[116] Erlangen — a city in Bavaria.

[117] Leipzig is the biggest and most populous city in the German state of Saxony.

[118] Greifswald is a city in the north of Germany that flanks the Baltic sea and is crossed by a small river, the Ryck.

[119] К чёрту (Russian) — Dash it!

[120] According to the calculations of the Central Statistical Committee, the price of bread in Georgia in 1920 went up by 58.8 percent, price of barley increased by 62.9 percent, meat — by 20 percent, and cheese — by 41.1 percent. The newspaper Ertoba 236 (1920). See: T. Atanelishvili, ekonomikuri repormebi sakartvelos demokratiul respulikashi 1918-1921, p. 111 (in Georgian).

[121] Korneli Kekelidze (1879‒1962) — a philologist and man of letters, one of the co-founders of the Georgian Academy of Science and the Rector of Tbilisi Theological Seminary. In 1919‒1925, he served as the dean of the Faculty of Philosophy at Tbilisi State University.

[122] The document issued ito Grigol Peradze is preserved in the archive of the Warsaw Orthodox Archdiocese. St. Grigol Peradze, History of Monasticism in Georgia. Early History of the Georgian Church, I, ed. D. Kolbaia, p. 358 (in Georgian).

[123] Everyone should be considered innocent until proven guilty — the principle of the presumption of innocence is a legal right of the accused in a criminal trial in many countries. Here, in his diary, Grigol Peradze quotes this principle. As the narrative in his diaries proceeds mostly in a mode of stream of consciousness, we don’t know what the context was for the quotation.

[124] In 1921 Grigol Peradze set off for Germany and from then on his fate got linked with Europe for good and all.

THE PATH TO VICTORY

Easter 1921

The Great and Holy Feast of Pascha is a Victory holiday, bringing relief and delight to human beings. The fact that it is commemorated in spring, when nature awakes from the winter sleep and adorns herself with lots of different colors, also speaks volumes. In Georgia, where spring is much like autumn, this triumph of nature cannot be felt with such a force as let us say in Anatolia, whose dry, deserted land is unexpectedly and surprisingly covered with a soft thick carpet of grass and flowers.

Spring is a period of excitement, the season of the awakening of nature and a phase of life and beauty, which is only consistent with nature. The Christian Church services held to mark Pascha, the Feast of Feasts and the Celebration of Celebrations in this season, Spring, when we solemnize the victory over death and hell (Hades) and celebrate the defeat of the prince of darkness, and the suppression of his forces. On this day, the human being can unconsciously discern the scenes of his past life and vividly perceive his homeland, family home and early life. Alas, unfortunately the memories of my generation seem to be more sad and gloomy than cheerful.

* * *

I remember the Easter Holyday in Georgia in May 1921, the year I left for Germany. It was the year when the whole of Georgia was soaked in blood. We, the three brothers[1], were at the front. Mother was in Tbilisi and had no information on our fate and whereabouts. I was the first who returned home.[2] The apartment we lived in had been burgled. The city was famished. I had no time for thinking of rest, as I had to hurry to find my younger brother. Different news about him reached my mother’ s ear. I travelled and walked around three cities in Georgia, K. B, and S,[3] where there were military hospitals, hoping to find him. In many areas the railways had been destroyed, so I had to walk for the most part. Nearly all the bridges had been blown up, and the Red Army was trying to restore them. In order to cross you had to obtain special permission, which was granted only when you would spend a day on the construction work.

After an unsuccessful search in the city of B, I found my brother at last in the city of K. And on the day of my arrival he had his leg amputated.[4]

I returned to Tbilisi taking the same ‘odyssey’. It was the Day of the Great and Holy Saturday. The door of our flat was open. The neighbors said that Mom had received my brother’ s letter the day before, on Good Friday and decided to travel to see him, so when I arrived she had gone to the railway station. I followed her there right away. The trains moved irregularly without any schedule. Mostly men could get on the train fighting their way in by applying mere physical force, while the women had been standing in a long queue all day long. It turned out that Mom had been in line since yesterday. I approached her and held her arm asking her to postpone the departure until the roads would have been restored and then we would both go together. At first she stubbornly resisted but later, she noticed we were attracting people’ s attention so she eventually agreed. Weary and exhausted by the interminable suffering, she stayed at home and for the first time in her life she missed the Easter Vigil. Here, in Sioni Cathedral, one of the oldest in Georgia, which was built in the 10th century and which shrines several exquisite icons of Mother Mary and the most important relic, the Cross of St. Nino, the Enlightener of Georgia, there was a scarcity of the flock during the Easter service. Catholicos-Patriarch Leonide[5] officiated accompanied by only a few priests.

I stopped at the entrance as if petrified, not seeing anything. I even failed to approach the Patriarch when people closed in around him. At the end of the service, while leaving the church the Patriarch noticed me and said: “Christ is Risen!” I responded quite automatically as a rule and followed him.

It was dawn, and the street leading to the Patriarch’ s Residence, erstwhile crowded during the Easter Holiday, was now gloomy and deserted, even the window shutters were shut. The whole city seemed to be indifferent and unresponsive to the glory of the greatest of the Holidays. The Patriarch, completely alone, walked the street towards his residence, with no following priest. I was walking nearby when at the crossroad, by the street corner, two Red Army soldiers came up. They threw a scornful glance at the Patriarch and went on. Nevertheless, a superintendant sitting at the entrance of one of the houses was aroused at seeing His Holiness. Before entering the residence, the Patriarch turned around and grabbed me with both of his hands. Then, with a fatherly voice full of sadness and pain he told me: “I am completely devastated. Go abroad, save your youth.”

* * *

All day, I wandered aimlessly around the city. All the shops were closed but gradually, the streets were filled with people. They were mostly family members of the former government officials, hungry, devastated and miserable, they tried to sell their last remaining things for pennies and buy bread somehow. By watching and observing these people I felt the post-war agony at its worst, it poured from everywhere, from every corner. Those people, who had never known street life, were forced to go out and roam the city all day long. The wife of one of the former high-ranking officials with her two daughters stood in the corner holding some things for sale in her hands, one daughter stood behind her mother, the other was walking up and down as if searching for someone. Suddenly a terrible scream cut the air, some man had wrested the things from the woman’ s hands and run away with her belongings. The frustrated woman had a nervous breakdown and her aimless daughters started to cry.

Maybe, this was the last thing they had… Most of the passers-by could not comprehend what had happened for this occurrence was nothing compared to the death of starvation they were facing. No one was really interested in the fate of a crying woman on the Easter Holiday.

Such was the last Easter I spent in my homeland.[6]

* * *

The Great and Holy Pascha is a feast of life trampling death, the great victory of good over evil. Hell was crushed, and Satan defeated by Christ that day. Although the church celebrates this brilliant event with all its grandeur, all the same, our wicked world, alas, is still too far from the era when it could be able to solemnize the total triumph of good over evil. Just to the contrary, the terrible, bitter reality moves us more and more away from that ideal: indeed, there is racial hatred between the nations and wars plague the world. One brother cannot spare another. Society is torn apart by disparities and class inequalities.

Is it possible that we, instead of attaining perfection and sanctity, come only to what Christ foresaw when saying: “Nevertheless when the Son of man cometh, shall he find faith on earth?”[7] The Great and Holy Pascha is the most marvelous of the holidays. Throughout the year the Orthodox Church prepares its daughters and sons for this divine day and as it draws near, the preparation takes the form of a particular fast and a series of prayers, which must be said every day. Our church has somehow managed to preserve its peculiar old-Georgian Easter pathos and tries to maintain the mood from year to year.

The Great and Holy Pascha is the holiest day of the church, but is it so valuable to the congregation in general? The worshippers hardly fill the churches during the Easter service and then, mainly on the Easter Sunday afternoon. Most of the flock make incredible efforts while going on a fast only to gorge themselves on everything they can eat and drink all the time around the holidays. Is it possible to conclude from all the above mentioned that this holiday is the most sacred and revered to the faithful as well?

People can put all their creative pathos into the Christmas Holiday, which finds its greatest representation in The Kalanda traditional feast, whereas for the Easter celebration they mostly fail to achieve the same. The Nativity of Christ makes a man face a miracle, makes him feel the beginning of a new era in his life. He can easily perceive that the Sun of Righteousness [8] is born in the chill of the winter night. Resurrection is the defeat of death by Christ and the celebration of the supremacy of Good over Evil.

But, nevertheless Evil is strong enough and the moment it occurs, it starts to oppress Good trying in every possible way to prevent its victory. And as people nowadays do not see tangible results of victory around them, they are unable to dedicate themselves to the Mystery of Great and Holy Pascha with all their hearts and souls. Does not my mother’ s suffering indicate the strengthening of evil? The anguish of a woman who had never missed any of the services but on that Easter collapsed and did not attend the Divine Worship?

Does not the confession by the Supreme Leader of the Church to the young parishioner indicate that evil is gaining strength? Or, let us say the life of a young man who had been forced to leave his homeland in the very prime of his youth seeking refuge in another country?! Does it not indicate that evil is gaining strength?!

* * *

Christ became triumphant through torments and Crucifixion. Even he, the Son of God had to patiently take his cup of grief, had to walk the road of thorns, for the Road to Victory always runs through spikes and Crucifixion.

Even in the days of geat joy, we must remain critical of ourselves. Considering the life and sufferings of Christ, we should conclude and admit that the church is intended to fight and win.

But the church will achieve the goal only through patience and misery, Calvary and Crucifixion. Any other way is contrary to Christ’ s principles, which require the investment of everything a person has. Any path, other than this, contributes only to the proliferation of evil and brings an honest, benevolent and kind man tragedy and disaster. This happens and not only relation to an individual person, but to all society and nations.

And if we, considering this real danger, still console ourselves with non-existent and illusionary victories, we will thus betray Christ and his Church.? Will we not thus commit a terrible sin?

* * *

The Great and Holy Pascha would become a test of our lives, activity, occupation, faith, God, conscience, and our attitude towards people!

So I greet and welcome everyone, who experiences immeasurable grief and sorrow on this Great Day.

I hail and salute you all! Christ is Risen!

[1] Grigol Peradze had two brothers: his elder brother, Archil Peradze (1895‒1937) was a serviceman who, together with his wife was executed during the Great Purges. His younger brother, Vasili (1903‒1982) was a physics lecturer. (In the text all the footnotes by David Kolbaia).

[2] Grigol Peradze then lived at Chapel Street 9, Tbilisi.

[3] Presumably Kutaisi, Batumi and Sokhumi are implied.

[4] The letter to the Georgian government from Grigol Peradze, the student of the Berlin University:

“My brother, Vasili Peradze, the student of Tbilisi Polytechnic Institute, volunteered for the Georgian army during the fights with Bolsheviks. He enrolled in the 11th infantry battalion and had his left leg badly injured during the battle of Khashuri. He stayed at Kutaisi hospital to heal his wound where, in the end, he had his leg amputated.

Nowadays he is in Tbilisi undergoing terrible privations and suffering persecution from the part of the Bolsheviks. As he recently wrote to me, he even happened to be imprisoned for some period.

Two month ago, he sent me the size of his prosthetic leg measured by a doctor of the Tbilisi German Hospital. The then price of the prosthetic leg was 5,000 marks and through the Georgian Embassy in Germany I contacted the Georgian government pleading for help in leg purchasing.

I have not received the answer as yet and the price for the prosthetic leg has been increasing from day to day reaching 8,000‒8,500 these days. I, myself have no ability to buy it; I, as a student get financial aid from a private charitable foundation to meet my living costs so forgive my presumptuousness for writing to you directly, but I have to address the Georgian government to ask for some assistance. Supplicant, Grigol Peradze, Berlin, 16 August 1922.” The Central Historical Archive of Georgia.

[5] Leonide Okropiridze (1861‒1921) — Catholicos-Patriarch of All Georgia during 1919‒1921.

[6] In 1921 Grigol Peradze left for Germany and from then on his fate got linked inseparably with Europe. Despite repeated attempts, he could no longer return to homeland.

[7] Luke, 18:8.

[8] “But to you who fear my name, the sun of righteousness will rise with healing in its wings; and you will break out leaping, like calves released from the stall”. Malachi, 3:20.

DESTINY

My ancestors were shepherds. Every year for several months consecutively they stayed away from their families, grazing their flocks in the desert, which turned green only in winter and early spring. One winter evening, something extraordinary happened, which determined the life of one man and the fate of the descendants of another.

It might have been Christmas Eve. In the desert, where the two shepherds were watching their flock, winter evenings can be very mild. Their eyes fixed on the reddish flame of the campfire, the men might have been chatting about their great predecessors, who on a starry night in a different distant desert saw a host of angels portending the greatest miracle in the world — the Birth of the Savior and the beginning of a new life of all mankind.

That night those two shepherds were full of dignity and modesty. At dawn, when the cloister bell usually calls pious monks to morning prayer, suddenly sounded a wonderful harmony of bells sounded, waking the tired shepherds. The desert was far from human settlements and temples. The closest cloister was hundreds of kilometers away. It was the sound of angelic bells calling pious souls to God’ s matins. Only one whom the Lord has made worthy of eternal life can hear the voice of angelic bells.

Unearthly joy filled the hearts of both shepherds. The sign from Heaven brought fulfillment of their dreams, realization of their hopes, and the end of the earthly wandering. One of them immediately bade farewell to his companion and went to the ruins of a cloister in that desert so that the noise of earthly life would not spoil that wonderful melody of the angelic bells he was hearing. The other one had left his wife and son in the village. In that wonderful melody he sensed directions for his family. He wished for his descendants to become shepherds of souls, intermediaries between God and the people. During the same miraculous night the man returned to the village he grew up in and enrolled his son in a cloister school.

That day marks a new period in the life of our family. The shepherds of flocks became shepherds of souls. But neither of those shepherds of souls ever saw that miraculous apparition again, heard the angelic melody of the bells, or experienced that happiness. Although they knew the mystery of the Supreme Being, the wonderful choir of angels did not call them to serve God in the Land of Eternity. Only we, children, were told on winter evenings about that lucky shepherd, our ancestor, and his companion, who abandoned the world.

That story, like a beautiful and wonderful fairy tale, permeated our hearts and souls, filled us with respect for our ancestor and a desire to at least once in our life see such a man and be his friend. At least that was my desire and today I am happy that it has come true. Fortune smiled at me, perhaps because I am the last of those shepherds of flocks and souls. And this is how that came about.

* * *

The village was sliding down the mountain slope. Deep furrows and crevices marked the squares, streets, and backyards, threatening the buildings. A few houses had already come tumbling down on the heads of phlegmatic villagers. Those sluggish people attributed the impending danger exclusively to witchcraft and did nothing to protect to themselves from the imminent catastrophe.

It was late summer in 1921, and Georgia was already in the hands of Bolsheviks. I had been working as a second teacher in that village for about a month. I was living in a house, which for the time being stood firmly on the edge of a crevice. Behind the house stretched a beautiful, dense forest. Left and right there were two roads leading to the village, a good view of which I had from the veranda of my house. Right beyond the village was a railroad and beyond it a vast desert, a real one with lots of vipers and scorpions. When the sun rose, seen from the veranda, the desert looked as if it were strewn with fine golden gravel. The border between the village and the desert was marked by the infrequent trains rolling by. To my left was a vast field with a beautiful new Orthodox church, which was to be consecrated that summer. To the right the road disappeared among the low cottages and vineyards and then ascended a rock topped with an ancient castle. At the foot of the rock are clustered the cottages of the villagers, who did not even think that the old castle could come tumbling down from the crumbling rock onto their meager abodes. The villagers, strong, simple, and uneducated people, humbly gave in to destiny.

I quickly became accustomed to them.

The cottage I was living in had only two rooms. In the first one lived the owner with his wife, children, and elderly mother, who still refused to let go of the helm of the household. I lived with the farmer’ s elderly blind aunt in the other one. The elderly blind woman was born in that house, but used to live in town after she had married. Widowed and childless, she used to run something like a boardinghouse. She taught village girls some writing, some reading, some calculations, sewing, and cooking. She must have been a strict teacher.

“I used to hit those poor girls with an iron bar,” she used to tell me, “and this is why God has punished me with blindness.”

She patiently endured her punishment, that difficult fate, in the hope that she would stand purified before the Righteous’ Throne. The family had taken her in from pity, because she had taken to town as her dowry everything she used to own there. Aunt Marta, as we all used to call her, would sit all day long on the veranda, listening in to the women’ s conversations and arguments, and complain about the savage rural customs. Her sister-in-law and her entire family treated her cordially and patiently. They did everything for the elderly woman, as if not hearing her complaints about the rural customs.

The miserable blind woman was very cordial to me. She always called my ‘Sonny’. I soon became accustomed to that village. The local parish priest was kind to me. He did not have a psalmist and I eagerly helped him celebrate Mass. Both of my landladies were proud of my talents, and Aunt Marta really wanted me to bury her after her death.

It was vacation time. We, teachers, were not paid so I had to start thinking about finding a job. Near the village was a vineyard, which used to belong to a certain Armenian, but it had been taken over by the state. The vineyard’ s manager, who was always favorably disposed towards me, eagerly hired me as an ordinary laborer. I worked there every day from half past four in the morning to sunset.

That was when I became familiar with those simple people and their souls, and with every passing day I discovered in them an ever new and noble fondness of the sun and music. They were lazy, awkward phlegmatic, dirty and primitive. They eagerly quarreled with one another and tried to cheat and take advantage of one another. They were distrustful and suspicious, and everybody cared only about their own benefit. But when somebody was able to strike the deeply hidden secret strings of their soul, approach them with an open, honest heart and look them straight in the eye, then as if by magic, those people showed their other face. They became capable of self-sacrifice, self-denying love, and action. Their eyes radiated sunshine and there was nobleness in their movements. That was when you could recruit them and inspire them to fight for the truth of life.

One day after I returned home I received a message that I was to come to the first teacher to collect my salary in the form of cigarettes. The next day was Sunday so I went to my supervisor. I found him exchanging cigarettes for food with boys who smoked. A young shepherd was standing before him. I inadvertently witnessed their conversation:

“You’ll have some fun,” the teacher told him, laughing. “You can smoke on long summer days and make time run faster.”

“It is never boring in the pastures,” replied the shepherd. “We play music, we sing. Sometimes the elderly tell us various stories.

“Always the same ones,” the teacher impatiently interrupted him. “Have you not had enough of them?”

“By no means! Why, do we always eagerly listen to these stories”

I inadvertently thought about the words of our liturgy. Why, they are they repeated every Sunday, every day. And they are always delightful, fresh, and filled with new, unfathomed content and fresh poetry for a pious soul.

That day I did not see the young shepherd again, and I would have forgotten him completely if he had not come the next day to the vineyard that used to belong to the Armenian. He brought lunch to a laborer who later proved to have been his brother. It was lunch break. I was lying in the shadow of an old walnut tree, browsing through a book. Surrounded by laborers, I heard the shepherd’ s voice from afar. I could not discern what he was saying. Besides, there was no point in my listening in to his words. Suddenly, a filled-in postcard fell out of my book and rolled with the wind in the direction of the shepherd’ s voice. He picked up the postcard to hand it to me and his eyes stopped at the image on the postcard, the Annunciation: a white angel with a bouquet of white flowers and the Virgin Mary. The Shepherd handed me the postcard and added:

“I have seen an angel like that.”

Some of the laborers laughed with derision when they heard that, while the faces of the others turned serious. A child asked:

“And where did you see that angel?”

“In the middle of the desert,” he replied. “There is a temple sculpted in a rock. Last year I was there with my flock. Other shepherds and I saw a white angel fly out of that temple on a moonlit night. You must go there,” he told me. “You might see the angel too.”

“But I do not know where this place is. You would have to take me there.”

“I would like to.”

“Travelling in the desert this time of the year is very dangerous,” said a laborer. “There are plenty of the cursed in the grass now,” he spat. “‘The cursed’ is what we call vipers.”

“Later I will not have time,” said Mika, for that was the young shepherd’ s name. “I will have to go to the pastures.”

“It might be better to wait,” I said. “In autumn there will be some fine days too and a few holidays.

“Well you have no shortage of holidays,” said an elderly laborer mockingly. “Our children spend more days at home than at school.”

“Why should they go to school at all? What wise words are they going to hear there?” somebody added to that snide remark.

“I have made a promise,” said the shepherd, “so I must keep my word.” Somebody else can show you the temple but only I can show you me that angel.”

His face turned crimson, the color of the setting sun. His eyes twinkled and the burning cigarette fell out of his mouth. He was agitated. How could I know then that it was not him but his Destiny talking to me?

“You could see that angel because you did not smoke back then, but now, when you smoke, you will not see him anymore. They do not like the smell of tobacco.”

“I have been smoking only since yesterday and I do not like the taste of cigarettes at all, but the enlightened say that smoking is a sign of masculinity.” Having said that, he threw a few cigarette boxes into the river.

“The enlightened…,” the elderly laborer started saying ironically, but when he glanced at me he did not finish the sentence. To him I was one of the enlightened, who depraved the common folk.

* * *

The next day was Tuesday and very early in the morning Mika was already waiting with donkeys in front of our veranda. Not knowing about our journey, my landlords were surprised.

“You had better go to work,” argued the blind woman. “You will waste at least two days on this journey.”

“You do not need to look so far for the white angel. Every good man is an angel,” added the sister-in-law. “You might get bitten by vipers, you will get sunburned, and the Tatars might attack you. Why would you go there?”

Mika turned a deaf ear to the arguments and refused to be persuaded. I was excited by my proximity to a visionary, as I could learn many interesting things from him. Was it the same desert where my ancestor once had the vision, which has had such profound consequences for us?

“If you want to, you can go,” said aunt Marta, “but I am afraid that it is Destiny that is pushing you there, to that desert.”

* * *

The desert began beyond the railroad. When we reached that place the sun was already high in the sky. The air was hot. We could not feel even a tiniest gust of wind.

The donkey was very stubborn and every movement I made, which it was not accustomed to, could have had unpleasant consequences for me. I was sitting very still, holding tightly onto the animal. I let it move freely. The grass underneath us had already dried out. We heard dry crunching under the animals’ hooves. Once I even clearly heard a viper winding its way in the dry grass. I became scared. Why were we heading for danger?

“Let us go back home,” I told my travel companion.

“No, no,” he said. “We must go to that temple. You will never regret that. We will be there shortly.”

All I saw before me was an ocean of sand, which we had to cross. As far as the eye could see there was no settlement, no greenery and no shelter. I suddenly heard a noise behind me. I stopped my donkey and looked back. Mika was lying on the ground. By carelessness he had leaned out too far from the donkey’ s back, lost his balance, and fallen onto a viper which bit him in the ankle. He was wearing sheepskin sandals. The viper’ s fang pierced through that light footwear all the way to the flesh. He wanted to hide that and even tried to smile, but I noticed how quickly his expression changed.

“It is nothing,” he said. “Let us keep going.” But I firmly decided that we were going back home. Mika was as if he was asleep. I was trying to reach the railroad as quickly as possible. Only then did I remember that I should have sucked out the poor boy’ s wound. I jumped off the donkey, untied Mika’ s sandal, and sucked on his soiled heel. Unfortunately, it was already too late.

“What a pity,” he finally said, “that you have not seen the white angel.”

“Soon enough you will be a white angel yourself,” I thought. “But I really do not want to see you in that form.” I once again sucked on the dusty, dirty wound and I had the impression that I was kissing some old, dusty relic, some saint’ s ashes.

* * *

I brought Mika, who was barely alive, to the village. I was more depressed than ever. I was not to blame for his death by any means, but I felt deeply responsible. I was criticized for not going right away to the miraculous spring located in the same desert, the water from which treats viper bites.

The blind woman defended me and spoke on my behalf. Everybody thought that the tragedy was Destiny’ s doing. And wherever this word is uttered, people become so small, so humiliated and depressed. Nobody has anything to say then, nobody protests or expresses any condemnation; there is no J’accuse!

Besides, the villagers were people of Destiny.

Mika died that night. I wrote a short poem in his memory, which is carved onto his tombstone, and I planted a pomegranate tree on his grave.

The whole village was depressed by his death and young people kept visiting his fresh grave long afterwards. Most of them were the dead man’ s peers, shepherds who grazed their flocks on mountain pastures. They would spill a drop of red wine on his grave and break bread.

From the veranda of my cottage I had a very good view of the grave and those who went there.

ON MY STUDIES IN GERMANY

I hope that friends of the Mission[1] still remember me. Four years ago, after I had been sent to Germany by His Holiness Ambrosius of Georgia, I received a warm welcome from Doctor Lepsius.

Doctor Lepsius introduced me to the friends of the Mission as early as at the beginning of my studies. I promised to inform everybody of the course of my studies. But I have been unable to do that for I was totally absorbed in my studies and work. Besides, the gaps in my education were so wide that I had to make a good use of that time. Now, after studying at the university, I can give a brief account of what I did.

After my arrival in Germany I learned German, of which I spoke little, in the family of Secretary General Schäffer. After five months, around May 1922, I was admitted to the Faculty of Theology of the University of Berlin, and I passed exams in German, Georgian, and Hebrew.

I studied for three years in Berlin and heard lectures of all the great representatives of German theology. Initially, I was to write my M.A. thesis under Professor Holl’ s supervision. On his initiative I was to write a thesis about the famous Georgian monk, George the Hagiorite from the holy Mount Athos, but despite an intensive search I found no Georgian works in Germany. Of course, I could not receive any materials from Georgia.

During the 1924‒1925 winter semester, owing to a recommendation and help provided by a Georgian language instructor at the University of Berlin, Doctor Meckelein, I turned to Professor Goussen in Bonn, who taught Oriental languages (Georgian, Armenian, Ethiopian, Coptic, and Syriac) and gave lectures on the subject matter of Oriental Churches at the local university.

I started doing research under Professor Goussen’ s supervision and to my great joy I learned that he possessed not only the materials I needed, but also ones I did not know existed. “I have all the books you need,” he wrote to me. He also drafted a complete bibliography for me. “Unfortunately, I cannot send any of these to you,” he wrote, “but I can pay for photographs of individual precious works and make them available to you.”

Because photographs are expensive, particularly in the case of about a hundred books, I decided to take Doctor Lepsius and Professor Holl’ s advice and go to Bonn over the Christmas break to browse through Professor Goussen’ s wonderful collection.

Professor Goussen gave me a very friendly welcome. I spent almost all my time with him and received precious advice. During our conversations I concluded that he was precisely the man under whose guidance I could do my research. I was surprised by how well oriented he was in the subject matter of Georgian literature and history. Besides, he had in his library works penned in Georgian.

During the winter break I used the occasion to become familiar with those works. But how much can one do over fourteen days?

After my return to Potsdam I described my research results. Doctor Lepsius advised me to start studying in Bonn during the next semester and at the same time continue writing my thesis.

I did what he told me. Around summer my thesis was almost finished, but it had grown to a size I had not imagined.

After finishing it I concluded that I had made a mistake of a methodological nature. It was not a mistake to have singled out one significant representative of the Georgian Church in its prime, particularly that that Church was relatively unknown. But I should have begun my thesis with an analysis of the origins of monasticism to prove what causes led to specific events. Thus I had two theses: The Activity of George the Hagriote and The history of Georgian Monasticism From it’ s Creation until 1064.

One could ask, not without a reason, why the object of my analysis is the monasticism of a Church, and one as little known as the Georgian one at that. Is it not a mistake to start research with this very topic?

But one should realize the significance of monasticism in the Eastern Churches, including the Georgian one. Nowhere else has monasticism played such a vital role as in Eastern countries, as in Georgia. The history of monasticism is at the same time a history of missions because monks, willingly or not were exponents of the Gospel. The history of monasticism is at the same time a history of culture, literature, and the Church.

It is a paradox that people who wished to escape from the world and people in solitude affected the development of the Church, and became major historical figures.

The thesis is comprehensive and divided into four parts: 1. Georgian monasteries in Palestine and Sinai; 2. Georgian monasticism in Georgia (the Thirteen Assyrian Fathers, St. Seraphim, St. Hilarion, St. Grigol Khandzteli; 3. Georgian monasticism on Athos (St. John and St. Euthymius, St. George the Hagiorite); 4. Summing up and conclusions.

I presented the lives of the saints partly in fragments and partly in full. Each part is preceded by a critical introduction, the text is accompanied by my commentary, and the ending contains conclusions and a general summary.

The thesis was ready in 1925. I went to Professor Schneider in Wiesbaden, who browsed through the German text. I also met Doctor Lepsius and talked with him for the last time. Doctor Lepsius was going to Meran. I showed him my thesis. The doctor wished to publish it and at the same time suggested a topic of my next dissertation, which he was very interested in, but I shall return to this.

Doctor Lepsius advised me to stay in Bonn and apply for a doctorate with support from the Georgian Church authorities. Personally I intended to stay and work as long as necessary, under Professor Goussen’ supervision. Doctor Lepsius endorsed my intention to remain in Germany for some time after finishing my thesis in order to write another on a different topic. That time in Wiesbaden was the last time I saw Doctor Lepsius and it pains me that he did not live to the end of my studies.

I passed my oral exam on the 24th and the 26th of February. Upon the Oriental Chair’ s request my thesis was reviewed by Professor Holl from Berlin.

The thesis remains a typescript. At least a part of it must be published in order for me to obtain a doctorate. In the nearest future, after publishing the first part, as Doctor Lepsius advised me, I intend to begin research on the reasons for the rift between the Georgian and the Armenian Churches. I hope that this dissertation will at the same time constitute a fulfillment of the will of my Compatriots. I shall try to foster concord between the two neighboring countries (Georgia and Armenia), the inhabitants of which, due to various misfortunes, have to seek a home in distant parts of the globe.

It is impossible to fit an overview of the ideas Doctor Lepsius gave me during my four years of studying in one short article. It is more like an agenda for my entire life, on which this versatile man, full of God’ s grace has had an enormous influence.

[1] A reference to the Deutsche Orient Mission, established in 1895 by Doctor Johannes Lepsius.

CHURCH LIFE. SAINT NINO GEORGIAN EMIGRÉ ORTHODOX COMMUNITY

16 April 1933, Paris

Church life[1]

Church services were performed every Sunday during my stay in Paris. The first service I held was on 31 May 1931; then, the services were conducted from August till the end of October, and from 25 December until 14 January. In the year of 1932: services were performed throughout April, June and August, as well as on 25 and 30 December. In 1933, services were held from 1 January till Thomas Sunday (23 April). Income and expenditure accounts, sums of the membership fees are published at the end of each year and sent to every parishioner.

Baptisms:

Artchil-Tariel-Robert, the son of Artchil Zourabichvili[2], was baptized on 31 May 1931. Mariam-Medea,[3] the daughter of Grigol Uratadze[4], was baptized on the 29 August. Susanna,[5] the daughter of Vaso Tsitskishvili, was baptized on 20 September. Tamara-Johanna-Elisabed, the daughter of Mikheil Khundadze[6] was baptized on 22 September. Ketevan,[7] the daughter of Alexandre Jintcharadze, was baptized on 27 October. Tinatin, the daughter of Joseph Sarjveladze,[8] was baptized on 6 January 1932. The children of Shota Nikoladze, David-Revaz and Nino-Natela, were baptized on 14 January. Theodora,[9] the daughter of Spiridon Kedia,[10] was baptized on 23 April. Zinobia-Zeinab,[11] the daughter of Meki Kedia,[12] was baptized on 17 June. Joseph-Otari, the son of Dimitri Amilakhvari,13 was baptized on 29 August.

Weddings:

On 30 September 1931: Ivan-Eugen-Maria-Victor Touranjean[14] married Natalia Bagrationi. On 26 February 1933: Mikheil Sturua[15] married Tamara, the daughter of Evgeni Gegetchkori[16]. On 19 October 1932, in Warsaw: Nikoloz Kvariani[17] married Sidonia Nowak.

Funerals:

29 May 1931: Nikoloz Iashvili. 9 September: Svimon Tsereteli,[18] the former Marshal. 26 March: Natalia,[19] the widow of Akaki Tsereteli. It is necessary that Georgians outside Georgia always informed us with a short note about baptisms, weddings, or funerals of their family member or a loved one indicating his/her name and the names of parents, as well as the time and place of birth, time of baptism, and the names of godparents. The certificate must be confirmed by the signature of the priest who performed the sacrament. In addition, Georgians in Paris are obliged to inform our church about all the funerals that were carried out in the Greek or Russian Churches at the time when I was not here.

Offerings:

Mrs. Tsatsu Charkviani donated two candlesticks, a small Theotokos icon for the altar and several veils. Mrs. Maria Kvinitadze[20] donated the precious Antimins for the altar table. Mr. Ekvtime Takaishvili donated the Kazan Theotocos icon under the will of his deceased wife;[21] the executors of the will of B. Khoshtaria[22] donated three icons: of St. Konstantine, St. Elene, both painted by Academician Roerich and Ecce Homo by Rene Bronsy. The family of Mr. N. Dadiani[23] donated three expensive Aërs for the sacred vessels to perform holy sacraments. Artchil Zourabichvili provided a baptismal font. Mrs. Makrine Chkhenkeli[24] donated precious linen for the Antimins. Mrs. Sofia Bagrationi endowed two exquisite covers. Mrs. N. Japaridze[25] donated a veil for the dish. Mrs. Elene Mamulaishvili[26] embroidered B. Bilanishvili’ s[27] painting The Descent of Christ from the Cross. B. Bilanishvili donated the icon of Theotokos, the Patroness of Refugees from Georgia drawn by him. B. Allen[28] donated the old Theotocos icon and the cross of the 17th‒18th centuries, of Circassian work. Mrs. Makashvili donated the large icon of St. Nino, painted and consecrated at Bodbe Monastery with several Russian icons. Mrs. Natalia Bagrationi-Touranjean[29] donated a couple of wedding crowns Mrs. E., the wife of Abkhazi[30] endowed a black cloth bag for keeping the cross. Mrs. Schenfeld donated two precious candlesticks to memorialize her deceased brother Rene.

Mr. Giorgi Machabeli[31] donated a vessel for chrism in memory of the christening of his God-daughter, Ketevan Jincharadze.[32] Little Eteriko Rukhadze[33] donated the icon of St. Giorgi painted by B. Piloshvili. Ketevan Chkhenkeli donated a little Theotokos icon. Mr. Svimon Peikrishvili donated an Aër and a little cover as well as icons of the Christ the Savior and St. Nino. K. Baratashvili donated a little golden cross intended for the Theotokos icon to memorialize the deceased Elene. Mrs. M. Ghoghoberidze granted two sacks for keeping church utensils. The money raised by Mrs. Nino Japaridze was to purchase clerical outfits.

R. Eristavi donated 15 francs; V.R — 90 francs; V. Eristavi, 10 francs. T. V. — 10 franks; N. J. T. L. Abdushelishvili, 20 francs; Chikho Rekhia, 5 francs; Valentine Kedia, 10; Dafina Abashidze, 200; Daro Marinovich, 100; V.Vachnadze 20; Lopez Lavarerry 50; Cherkezishvili[34] — 30; Kvinitadze[35], 40; O. Gegetchkori 10; Levan Mulashvili, 50; Al. Asatiani, 15; K. Gvarjaladze[36] 10; N. Gvazava,10; Sopo Bagrationi 10; Siamashvili,20; Naskidashvili, 10; Ekvtime Takaishvili[37] 10; Av. Asatiani, 10; Valodia Goguadze[38], 20; Svimon Tsereteli 5; El. Akhmeteli, 10; Eradze[39], 10; Kakheladze[40], 5; Gorgenadze, 5; Er. Ebralidze, 5; Gr. Uratadze, 10; Il. Dadeshkeliani[41] 47, and 40; (which we lacked) 1822‒40.

The church is in need of the black clerical clothing to hold funeral and memorial services as well as to perform the Great Lent worship. We are also in need of black altar cloths and a little gilded silver medallion to bring the holy sacraments to the diseased.

The following books have been donated to the parish library: Kagdagebani “Sermons” by Anton Tchkondideli[42] (Kutaisi, 1898) from the family of Mr. N Dadiani. And from Mr. An. Gugushvili[43] the library received two volumes of Sermons by Bishop Gabriel, 2nd edition (Kutaisi, 1913).[44] The family of General Japaridze[45] donated two issues of the Mnatobi magazine (4 — 1927, 7 — 1928), Theater and Music magazine, no. 1 of March, Kutaisi, 1919, and two issues of Georgian Literature. Mrs. El. Abkhazi donated The Matters Regarding the Knight in the Panther’ s Skin[46] by Z. Avalishvili (Paris, 1931).

We receive on a regular basis the following periodicals: Orthodoxy, the official magazine of the ecumenical patriarchate in Greek, Voskresnoe Chtenie,[47] the periodical of the Polish Autocephalous Church, The Christian East from England in English, Der Orient[48] from Germany, and all the periodicals of the expat immigrant community.

Besides the above list, several Georgian books were handed over to me by Mr. Kipshidze during my stay in Germany. Unfortunately, I happened to leave these books in Germany so their catalogue will be published in the following edition of the magazine.

From the Liturgical books we have columns for baptism, weddings and funerals (photocopies), a large sized New Testament and the Book of Hours, as well as the columns for liturgical services and the Book of Psalms printed in Nuskhuri script and published in Constantinople. All the latter were donated by Mrs. Rebi. We also have the music by Karbelashvili[49] and Paliashvili[50] and the columns for Mass though, unfortunately, in the form of negatives only. Besides, we have the Akathist of St. Nino written out from the Sakartvelos samotkhe[51] by Mrs. Gogvadze.

One can buy issues 1 and 2 of Jvari vazisa[52] (grapevine cross) magazine, at five francs each from the church store, as well as the Gospel of Mark for two francs and a photocopy of the Theotokos icon for fifty centimes.

The printing cost of five hundred copies of the first issue of Jvari Vazisa was 1,350 francs, 350 francs of which had been funded by the church, 350 francs received from sale, 288 francs from Brussels, 500 francs from the Kipiani family, 20 francs from Harbin, 122 francs from Mr. Kiknadze and 10 francs from Ivane Kavtaradze[53] (Poland). The deficit amounts 60 francs.

The publication of the 300 copies of the magazine’ s second issue cost 1,000 francs. So far, from sales 130 francs have been received to cover expenses. Mrs. Marinovich donated 100 francs; the Kipiani family from Brussels donated 107 francs, Vaso Tsitskishvili, 25 francs, N. Kvariani, 30 Polish zlotys,[54] from N. Matikashvili[55], 20 zlotys, and from Data Laghidze[56] 10 zlotys.

Issues 3 and 4 are due to be released together for 15 August 1931. The magazines will feature the Set of Agapai of the Jerusalem Jvari Monastery, discovered by me with the help of the Leipzig manuscript as well as the catalog of Georgian manuscripts of the Czartoryski Museum in Cracow and the Book of Amos translated from Hebrew. Unfortunately, the Georgian community was unable to appropriately perceive the new translation of the Song of Songs. For example, one of my countrymen bluntly told me about this oldest and the most beautiful pieces of poetry that it was just pornography! The others were said to be concerned about what they would say about the translation in Georgian. By and large, I am not interested at all in what they say in Georgia. I know that the first and the most fundamental objective of our church is to provide the Bible, which would by no means be distorted, either by confessional or diplomatic considerations, and what is more important, not be effected by the influence of the Russian Orthodoxy. The mission of the church is to teach The Bible as it is. The latter would increase the authority of the church and strengthen the love for it. Nowadays it is impossible to imagine a translator of the Biblical texts, who would not use the scientific results of the latest philological researches and tries and not try to find the older and better versions of them. I publish the magazine using my own money as well as donations, and would be very grateful to any wishing to help in funding the issues 3 and 4. Jvari vazisa publishes the Georgian manuscripts scattered in various European libraries, and I have accumulated the most interesting materials from various European book depositories.

I publish some of my studies that would interest solely foreign scientific circles either in German or in French. But those documents that would exclusively attract Georgians are published in Georgian. The magazine serves the general mission to publicize the recent Biblical translations and the most interesting documents shedding light on the history of the Georgian church.

After Christmas, I am going to Ireland for three weeks. Then, for two and a half months, I am going to stay in London to continue my quest in the British Museum. I am working on a book which is going to be released in three or four years’ time, in English. My previous book, The History of the Georgian Church, has already been published and with the proceeds I will travel to Britain.

The church has two main responsibilities: one is the religious or spiritual activity and the other is the preservation of the church traditions, in the scientific direction. The latter, I must confess, attracts me more. In this realm I rely solely on myself, whereas in the field of the church work, I have to depend on others too, who, sometimes fall short of expectations. I do not intend to give examples here, they are all included in the accounts of our congregation, the diary of which I keep systematically. Anyway, I consider it necessary to give one particular example: everyone knows I am often compelled to leave Paris. This happens primarily due to the fact that I am either invited to lecture, as it was last year in Oxford, or to pursue my scientific work, since no book repository in Europe has the complete list of the Georgian books I need. Secondly, because of the poverty of our congregation, I am forced to constantly travel to other countries, for example, to Poland in order to collect additional funds for our church. So I find completely inappropriate the words of some addressed to me saying that the priest must stay in Paris.

I am not travelling for fun and I hope this is well understood in the Georgian community of Paris. While I was still in Poland, they consecrated the monument[57] of Kakutsa Cholokashvili.[58] They could very well have waited until my arrival or at least ask permission. In addition, to hold the memorial service for Kakutsa Cholokashvili, I came from Germany in June 1931 and from England in 1932. Our representative in the community, General Japaraidze, expressed his concerns about the fact. One needs to discover why all this happened. Furthermore, it should be done as follows: the memorial services for Kakutsa Cholokashvili should be planned during my stay in Paris. The same goes for child christenings and weddings. In short, everything concerning the religious sacraments or any other issues except for burial services must be planned two weeks earlier by special written application or request.

It is time to understand that we are members of the Georgian Church and should behave as church members are supposed to. As a last resort these persons shall 1) no longer be able to undertake any functions in our church; 2) if there are our members among them, they will be excluded from the church list of community members; 3) the names of the excluded will be publicized in the Christmas issue of Jvari vazisa; 4) a lengthy report on those who deserve this given their past service and achievements will be submitted to our Catholicosate.

A list of full members, the gentlemen is as follows: Ekvtime Takaishvili, Ilamaz Dadeshkeliani, Joseph Dadiani,[59] Nikoloz Dadiani, D. Skhirtladze, Joseph Kemularia,[60] Levan Zourabichvili,[61] General Japaridze, Vakhtang Ghambashidze,[62] Juri Paghava,[63] Alexandre Eristavi,[64] Samson Pirtskhalava,[65] Andro the Deacon, Data Vachnadze,[66] Mikheil Kedia,[67] Zurab Avalishvili, Mikheil Nanobashvili, Konstantine Jakeli, Niko Abkhazi, Giorgi Machabeli.The ladies are as follows: Taso Tsereteli, Nino Gvazava, Nino Zourabichvili , Mrs. Dadeshkeliani, Natalia Bagrationi-Touranjean, T. Beridze, Dafine Abashidze. At the meeting that took place in December 1931 the following persons were accepted as members: General Kvinitadze[68] and Mr. Irakli Bagrationi[69] as well as Alexandre Asatiani and Mrs. Elene Mamulaishvili.

The members of the parish commission: Eqvtime Takaishvili, Ilamaz Dadeshkeliani (Secretary), General Ivane Japaridze (Sacristan and Bellringer), Nikoloz Dadiani, Joseph Dadiani, Andro the deacon (Treasurer), Joseph Kemularia and Levan Zourabichvili .

Despite the crisis and terrible misery, the church life, thanks God, goes well. At least 30‒35 parishioners attend the services on a regular basis. On special weekends the church is almost always full and the choir sings under the direction of Shalva Amirejibi. I preached a series of sermons on the topic of the true meaning of citizenship[70] according to the Lord’ s Prayer. I have already finished the series and would be very grateful for any help in publishing the sermons. Next year I am preparing another series titled The Interpretation of the Liturgy.

The Paris congregation ensures the regularity of church services. We need to involve the other Georgian colonies too, let us mention the Polish, Harbin, US, Persian and the others. Paris, so far is the only place outside Georgia where the worship are conducted out and prayers are said for the prosperity and health of our countrymen. This fact is of great importance for a believer and provides a good reason for everyone to help our flock.

It would be better for the church work, if I am in touch with the parishioners all the time. Donations can be sent either to N. Japaridze to the following address: 38-bis B de la Republique, Boulogne-S., or to Sedro the Deacon to the address of 26 Rue Lacrelell, Paris 15. You may also send it directly to the following postal address from any place wherever you are: Pour la paroisse orthod.georg.de S-te Nino 4, Rue Recamier, Paris 7, Contos N 141842. Those wishing to donate more than 50 francs can pay it to the bank account: 48 bis Bd Raspoil Paris 14, N8905 pour le paroisse and the rest exactly as indicated above.

The general attitude of the Georgian community towards our church is excellent. Those who do not help, at least try not to use their influence to turn others against us, which can really be considered as a sort of achievement in our debased circumstances.

Monetary contributions since August 1931:

J. Jakeli: 1000 francs; M. Naskidashvili: 6 francs; General Kvinitadze:78 francs; Gal. Asatiani: 15 francs; Dimitri Ananiashvili: 10 francs; Chachibaia, 50 francs; Solomon Zaldastanishvili,[71] 15 francs; Makrine Chkhenkeli: 30 francs; Elene Abkhazi: 50 francs; Al. Korkia, 20 francs; Balanchivadze:[72] 50 francs; Dimitri Sinjikashvili:[73] 5 francs; Iv. Vachnadze : 10 francs; V. Nozadze:[74] 5 francs; El. Gamrekeli: 5 francs; Shalva Beridze:[75] 5 francs; Vladimer Gamrekeli: 5 francs; Akaki Papava:[76] 50 francs; Nikoloz Dadiani: 15 francs; Meki Kedia: francs; Pachulia: ten francs; Tam. Eristavi: 500 francs; L. Mamulaishvili: 100 francs; Schönfeld: 5 francs; Dafina Abashidze: 100 francs; Al. Asatiani: 10 francs; Noe Tsintsadze:[77] 50 francs; KRMV: 45 francs; Pataridze:[78] 5 francs; Raphael Eristavi 6 francs; Luka Kazaishvili: 20 francs; Joseph Dadiani: 2 francs; Robert Busoni: 10 francs; Jacob Khotcholava: 5 francs; Manania Siamashvili:[79] 5 francs; Kemularia: 20 francs; Gobechia: 2 francs; Meunargia: 5 francs; Melikishvili-Kruzenshtern:[80] 20 francs; Gegetchkori: 10 francs; Cadet Union (S. Nikoladze):100 francs; Al. Eristavi:[81] 5 francs; Kargareteli:[82] 13 francs; Pl. Mikeladze: 190 francs; Mary Dadiani: 25 francs; Iv. Asatiani : 5 francs; Ak. Asatiani: 5 francs; Ml. Kartveli: 7 francs; Cadet Union : 138,90 francs; G. Zourabichvili: 2 francs; Gvazava: some francs; V. Zhghenti:[83] 50 francs; Ivane Vachnadze:[84] 5 francs; N.N. by Kvinitadze: 100 francs; Istrakho Gersamia: 5 francs; Mariam Baratashvili: 30 francs; Levan Japaridze: 3 francs; Tamara Whitehouse: 25 francs; the Georgian community of Berlin 90 francs; Costae: 50 francs; Levan Vachnadze: 10 francs; Kipiani from Brussels: 50 francs. The total sum is 3,290.90 francs.

And at the end I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Ilamaz Dadeshkeliani, the founder and moving force of the congregation, General Japaridze and his family, as well as the Mamulaishvili family for providing the Sacramental bread, and to Mr. Iv. Zourabichvili[85] for translating the church charter from French into Georgian; also I would love to express my deepest gratitude to Shalva Amirejibi and his choir and all the donors, well-wishers and benefactors.

May the grace of Jesus Christ and the love of the Father and the Communion of the Holy Spirit be with you both now and forever and unto the ages of ages,

Amen!

Prayers:

Due to the fact that we are unable to conduct the regular Sunday school courses, please teach your children the following prayers:

The Lord’ s Prayer: Our Father, who art in heaven, Hallowed be thy name; Thy kingdom come; Thy will be done; on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread. And forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive those who trespass against us. And lead us not into temptation; but deliver us from evil. For thine is the kingdom, the power and the glory, forever and ever. Amen.

The Holy Lord’ s Prayer: Heavenly King, Comforter, the Spirit of Truth, present in all places and filling all things, Treasury of Goodness and Giver of life: come and abide in us. Cleanse us from every stain of sin and save our souls, O Gracious Lord.

The Holy Trinity Prayer: Glory to the Father, and the Son and the Holy Spirit, both now and forever and to the ages of ages, Amen! All Holy Trinity, have mercy on us. Lord, forgive our sins. Master, pardon our transgressions. Holy One, visit and heal our infirmities, for the glory of Your name.The Theotokos Prayer: Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee. Blessed art thou amongst women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners,

now and at the hour of our death. Amen.

God-bearing Virgin, rejoice, grace-filled Mary, the Lord is with thee. Praised thou art among women, and praised the fruit of thy womb, because it was the Savior of our souls that thou bore.

The Creed: I believe in one God, the Father, the Almighty, and Creator of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and invisible; and in one Lord, Jesus Christ, the only begotten Son of God, begotten of the Father before all ages. Light of Light, true God of true God, begotten, not created, of one essence with the Father, through whom all things were made. For us and for our salvation, He came down from heaven and was made incarnate by the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary and became man. He was crucified for us under Pontius Pilate, and He suffered and was buried. On the third day He rose according to the Scriptures. He ascended into heaven and is seated at the right hand of the Father. He will come again in glory to judge the living and the dead. His Kingdom shall have no end. And in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the Giver of Life, who proceeds from the Father, who together with the Father and the Son is worshiped and glorified, who spoke through the prophets. In one, holy, catholic, and apostolic Church I acknowledge one baptism for the forgiveness of sins. I expect the resurrection of the dead, and the life of the age to come, Amen.

[1] The issue of the magazine of Georgian St. Nino Church Congregation published once a year for the Pascha celebrations and was obligatory for the parishioners. Registered office was at Rue Recamier 4, Paris 7 and 1 Frank the price. The newspaper copy is preserved in the library of St. Nino Georgian Church in Paris. I commend the deacon Artchil Davrichachvili for providing us with the material. (In the text all the footnotes by David Kolbaia).

[2] Artchil Zourabichvili (1896‒1964) — the elder son of Ivane Zourabichvili and Nino Nikoladze-Makarova.

[3] Medunia Uratadze was the only daughter of Grigol Uratadze and Araiana Tsulukidze.

[4] Grigol Uratadze (1880‒1959) — a member of the Constituent Assembly, signed the peace agreement between Georgia and Russia on 7 May 1920.

[5] Elise-Susanna Tsitskishvili (1922‒1955) — the daughter of Vasili and Natasha Tsitskishvilies. A member of French resistance, she was arrested by the Gestapo. Died in 1955 due to severe illness.

[6] Mikheil Khundadze (1898‒1983) — a lawyer and the Doctor of Law at the University of Paris.

[7] Ketevan Jintcharadze was the daughter of Alexandre Jintcharadze, the Georgian cadet and the Major of the Foreign Legion and Nino Machabeli, his wife.

[8] Joseph Sarjveladze — a member of the Georgian Social-Democratic Party and prominent political and public figure. In 1931‒1943 lhe aunched the production of Matsoni (Georgian type of yogurt).

[9] Theodora (Theona) Kedia was a daughter of Spiridon Kedia (1884–1948) and Sofia Chijavadze (1885–1933) was a pianist, a graduate from the Paris Conservatory.

[10] Spiridon Kedia (1884–1948) — one of the founders and unchanged leader of the Social-Democratic party in Georgia, prominent political and public figure.

[11] Zeinab Kedia (1921‒2016) — the daughter of Meki Kedia and Agrafina Tavartkiladze (1888-1968), wife of Levan Zourabichvili, mother of Salome Zourabichvili, the President of Georgia.

[12] Melkisedek (Meki) Kedia (1878‒1945) — the head of Special Forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Republic of Georgia (1918-1921).

[13] Dimitri Amilakhvari (1906‒1942) — a colonel of the French Army and a graduate of the Special Military School of Saint-Cyr. Married to Irine Dadiani and had with her two children: Tamara and Otari.

[14] Jean Touranjean (1885‒1977) — the husband of Natalia Bagration-Mukhraneli.

[15] Mikheil Sturua (1906‒1973) — buried at Leuville sur Orge Communal Cemetery.

[16] Tamara (Matiko) Gegetchkori-Sturua (1910‒2005).

[17] Nikoloz (Kola) Kvariani (1903‒1980) — a well-known Georgian wrestler. Since 1927 he lived in Poland, then moved to France and the United States. Jerzy Irakli Godzjaszwili, “Mikolaj Kwariani, Gruzja!,” Pro-Georgia 2 (1992): 47‒50.

[18] Simon Tsereteli (1844‒1931) — a lawyer and public figure, the leader of the Noble Society in Kutaisi Governorate, buried at Leuville sur Orge Communal Cemetery.

[19] Natalia Bazilevskaya (1846-1933) — the wife of Akaki Tsereteli (1840-1915), died in Paris on 28 March 1933.

[20] Mariam Makashvili (1889‒1960) — the wife of Giorgi Kvinitadze.

[21] Nino Poltoratskaya — died in 1931, reburied from Leuville and laid to rest beside her husband in Tbilisi on 22 February 1987.

[22] Akaki Khoshtaria (1873‒1932) — a Georgian industrialist and philanthropist.

[23] Nikoloz (Koki) Dadiani (1878‒1939) — a writer, publicist and poet, a federalist who joined the National-Democratic Party. In 1921 with his wife and children immigrated to France.

[24] Makrine Chkhenkeli (Makrine Turkia) — the wife of Akaki Chkhenkeli. Handed over the archive preserved in her family to the Kartvelologist Lea Flure (the scholar of Kita Chkhenkeli) comprising the original of the Act of Independence, Constitution and the Natonal flag of the Democratic Republic of Georgia.

[25] Nino Japaridze (1879‒1963) — buried at Leuville sur Orge Communal Cemetery.

[26] Elene Mamulaishvili (1904‒1998) — buried at Leuville sur Orge Communal Cemetery.

[27] Mikheil Bilanishvili (1901‒1934) — a painter, graphic artist and muralist. Studied at Tbilisi State University. In 1922 enrolled in Tbilisi Academy of Fine Arts. In 1925, sent to continue his studies to Paris by the Society of Georgian Artists where he graduated from the Art School of Andre Lott. In 1928 his exhibition was held in Paris. Died in 1934.

[28] William Allen (1901‒1973) — an English historian and Kartvelologist.

[29] Natalia (Natasha) Bagration-Mukhraneli‒Touranjean (1903‒1979) — the daughter of Niko Boer.

[30] Elene Abkhazi (1870‒1942) — the wife of Konstantine Abkhazi, buried in Sainte-Geneviève-des-Bois cemetery.

[31] Giorgi Machabeli (1885‒1935) — a renowned fighter for the independence of Georgia. In 1926 established a perfume company Prince Machabeli that entered the group of top-five most significant corporations in US. A perfume bottle of Machabeli featured his family coat of arms and royal crown. R. Daushvili and O. Janelidze, Giorgi Machabeli, Tbilisi, 2019.

[32] Ketevan Jintcharadze was a daughter of Nino Machabeli and Alexandre Jintcharadze, a Georgian cadet and Major of the French Foreigh Legion.

[33] Eteri Rukhadze — a Georgian pianist, the wife of an architect Otar Jakeli.

[34] Elene Cherkezishvili (1884-1957) was a dancer.

[35] Mariam Makashvili is implied.

[36] Konstantine Gvarjaladze (1884‒1969) — Deputy Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Democratic Republic of Georgia in 1918‒1921. He lived in Istanbul, Paris, and London. Buried at Leuville sur Orge Communal Cemetery.

[37] Ekvtime Takaishvili (St. Ekvtime, the Man of God) (1863‒1953) — a Georgian scholar, historian, archaeologist and public figure, and one of the founders of the Tbilisi State University. Canonized by the Georgian Orthodox Church.

[38] Vladimer (Valodia) Goguadze (1880‒1954) — a military man. In 1918‒1921 he commanded the armored train of the Georgian People’ s Guard. Awarded the title of National Hero (1918). In 1921 he became a political immigrant.

[39] Giorgi Eradze (1882‒1971) — Minister of Labor of the Democratic Republic of Georgiaand Chairman of the Governmental Archive Commission.

[40] David Kakheladze (1881‒1953) was a Georgian immigrant. See: Gr. Uratadze, “Davit kakheladze (nekrologi)”. Mebrdzoli sakartvelo, Paris, 16 (1953): 30‒31 (in Georgian).

[41] Ilamaz Dadeshkeliani (1896‒1967) — secretary general of the Georgian Orthodox Congregation in Paris.

[42] Anton Chkondideli, Kadagebani, Kutaisi, 1898.

[43] Andria Gugushvili (1895‒1970) — secretary at the Georgian Embassy to London in 1918‒1921. After the country had lost independence, he became engaged mostly in scientific activity. Became the secretary of the Georgian Historical Society in London and the founder and editor-in-chief of the Georgica magazine. William Allen, the well-known Kartvelologist, interred his body in his family crypt after his death.

[44] Kadagebani, by the Bishop Gabriel of Imereti, Kutaisi, 1913.

[45] Ivane Japaridze (1867‒1943) — a major general of the Georgian army in 1918‒1921. Led the Department for Relations with Foreign Missions and was a Staff Officer of Military Missions.

[46] Z. Avalishvili, “Vepkhistkaosnis” sakitkhebi (shvid mnatobta leksi, shota manikeveli, gveli da mtvare, mijnuroba, Paris, 1931 (in Georgian).

[47] The periodical Воскресное Чтение was published by the Orthodox Church in Poland.

[48] Der Orient. Monatsschrift für die Wiedergeburt der Länder des Ostens, Potsdam, 1918‒1936.

[49] Vasili Karbelashvili (1858‒1936) — a musician, educator and priest. V. Karbelashvili, Kartl-kakhuri galoba karbelaant kiloti (1897 mtsukhri, I) da (1898 tsiskari, II) (in Georgian).

[50] Zacharia Paliashvili (1871‒1933) — a founding father of the national school of composition and the Georgian classic composer. See: Z. Paliashvili, Kartuli liturgika, 1910.

[51] Mikhail Sabinin, Sakartvelos samotkhe, 1882.

[52] Jvari vazisa (grapevine cross) was the periodical of the St. Nino Georgian congregation, Paris, 1941‒1934. In spite of the short period of its existence, the journal played a significant role and occupied its due place in the history of Georgian emigration journalism.

[53] Ivane Kavtaradze (1897‒1944) — a historian, officer of the Polish National Army, and fellow worker of The Bureau of Military History. In 1929, published a book Georgia in the Context of History in Polish. During the Warsaw uprising, on 2 August 1944, he was shot together with his wife.

[54] Zloty means ‘made of gold’, the basic unit of currency in Poland which equals 100 groszes.

[55] Nikoloz Matikashvili (1900‒1993) — a faormer Georgian Cadet, then graduated from the Polish Higher Military School and became the Polish army contract officer.

[56] David (Data) Laghidze (1898-1960) — a former cadet of the Georgian army, who became the Polish army contract officer after graduating from the Polish Higher Military School.

[57] On 23 October 1931, Kakutsa Cholokashvili’ s monument was unveiled at Saint-Ouen Cemetery.

[58] Kakutsa Cholokashvili (1888‒1930) — a military officer, colonel and a national hero in Georgia. In 1922‒1924 he led the anti-Soviet guerilla movement in Georgia. After the failed August 1924 anti-Soviet rebellion, he fled to France where he died of tuberculosis on 27 June 1930.

[59] Joseph Dadiani (1863‒1937) — a Georgian industrialist, member of the Georgian Social-Democratic Party. In 1921 immigrated to France.

[60] Joseph Kemularia (1879‒1957) — the son of Grigol Kemularia and Ninutsa Nikoladze, a nephew of Jakob Nikoladze.

[61] Levan Zourabichvili (1906‒1975) — the father of the President of Georgia, Miss. Salome Zourabichvili; grandson of the outstanding public figure and urban planner Niko Nikoladze. Engineer by profession and one of the prominent members and the head of the Paris Georgian community.

[62] Vakhtang Ghambashidze (1872‒1951) — a doctor and public figure. At certain time he headed the Paris Georgian community; died in England in 1951.

[63] Jury Paghava (1878‒1950) — a lawyer. In 1920‒1921, he was sent to Iran on a diplomatic mission. In 1922, he moved to Germany with his family to undergo a medical treatment. In 1923, they permanently moved to France and stayed to live there on the outskirts of Paris.

[64] Alexandre (Sasha) Eristavi (1880‒1950) — a Georgian immigrant. Buried at Leuville sur Orge Communal Cemetery.

[65] Samson Pirtskhalava (1872‒1952) — a politician and public figure, one of the leaders of the Socialist Federalist Party and a member of the Constituent Assembly. In 1921, he immigrated to France but returned to Georgia in 1948. In 1951, he was arrested and sent to Central Asia where he died in exile.

[66] David (Data) Vachnadze (1884‒1962) — one of the leaders of the National-Democratic Party. Arrested in 1922, he managed to immigrate to France.

[67] Mikheil Kedia (1902‒1953) — a lawyer who graduated from Berlin and Heidelberg Universities; lived in Paris; nicknamed ‘Georgian Schindler’ and became widely known during the occupation when he saved the members of the Georgian Muslim community from deportation and the Georgian Jews from execution. For his deeds he was eternally thanked by the Great Rabbi of Paris, Mr. Weiss. and the head of the Jewish Culture Association, Mr. Moseri.

[68] General Kvinitadze (1874‒1970) — a Georgian military man. Appointed commander-in-chief of the Georgian army by the Menshevik government and commissioned to defend Tbilisi. After Bolshevik occupation immigrated to France and lived in Paris.

[69] Irakli Bagrationi (1907‒1977) — a Georgian aristocrat. Married Maria-Antoinette, the daughter of an Italian count Ugo Pasquini. In 1944 they had a son but the mother died during childbirth. His second wife, Maria-Mercedes was a member of the Spanish Bourbon family who died in 1961.

[70] “Shinaarsi cheshmariti mokalakeobisa (“mamao chvenos ganmarteba)” Jvari vazisa, 3(1933): 13‒68. See St. Grigol Peradze, About the Pre-Byzantine Georgian Liturgy, Patrologia, Poetry, Sermons, II, ed. D. Kolbaia, (Warsaw, 2014), pp. 307-347 (in Georgian)].

[71] Solomon Zaldastanishvili (1891‒1941) — a colonel of the National Guard of Georgia. In 1923, he became a member of the Georgian National-Democratic Party. In 1924, together with Shalva Amirejibi, he left Georgia for France. Died in 1941 at a Hospital in Bucharest. Buried at the Kronshtadt (today’ s Brashov) cemetery.

[72] Giorgi Balanchivadze (George Balanchini) (1904‒1983) — a dancer and choreographer, founder of the American classical ballet.

[73] Dimitri Sinjikashvili (1907‒1976) — a journalist. After a failed August 1924 rebellion left Georgia for France. Died in New York but is buried at Leuville sur Orge Communal Cemetery.

[74] Victor Nozadze (1893‒1975) — a Georgian émigré, scientist and a renowned Rustvelologist, lexicographer and journalist.

[75] Shalva Beridze (1892‒1970) — a historian and translator. In 1924, he fled to France where he graduated from the Sorbonne and began to study the links between Georgians and Basques. He continued his scientific activity in Italy and authored a number of researches. Translated The Knight in The Panther’ s Skin into French.

[76] Akaki Papava (1890‒1964) — a journalist and writer. He made immeasurable contribution in the preservation of Georgian heritage by searching and saving the Georgian relics and artifacts scatted throughout the world. Buried at Leuville sur Orge Communal Cemetery.

[77] Noe Tsintsadze (1987‒1978) — a member of the Georgian Constituent Assembly and the National Council. In 1922 exiled from Georgia by the Soviet government after which he moved to live in France. In 1974 under his guidance, the National Archive of the Georgian Democratic Republic was handed over to Harvard University to be preserved there for a 30-year period.

[78] Elise Pataridze (1896‒1975) — one of the leaders of the Georgian National-Democratic Party and founder and editor-in-chief of the Iveria magazine. Also one of the founders of the Paris Georgian Church and the secretary of its Parish Council. For a period he served as the Chairman of the Expatriate Georgian community in France. Together with Levan Zourabichvili established the Georgian National Centre. See: Sh. Kalandadze, “The Speech Made At the Funeral of Elise Pataridze,” Iveria magazine 17 (1975): 6.

[79] Mania Siamashvili (1891‒1956) — was the elder daughter of Spiridon Kutateladze. In 1921, as an émigré, she followed Vladimer Siamashvili, her husband and after his sudden death in Warsaw she moved to Paris.

[80] Mariam Melikishvili-Kruzenstern (1869‒1942).

[81] General Alexandre Eristavi (1873‒1955) — a Georgian military man. Sent on a mission to Ankara by the government of the Democratic Republic. After the 1921 Russian occupation found refuge in France.

[82] Alexandre Kargareteli (1899‒1983) — one of the sworn brothers and comrade-in-arms of Kakutsa Cholokashvili.

[83] Leonti Victor Zhghenti (1884‒1969) — a member of the Georgian National Council and the Constituent Assembly. Since 1924 found refuge in France.

[84] Ivane Vachnadze (1899‒1976) — a Georgian cadet who participated in the Kojori and Tabakhmela battles. In 1921, he left Georgia and with the members of the government became a political émigré in France. Upon recommendation of General Giorgi Kvinitadze, he enrolled in Saint-Cyr Military Academy. In different times commanded the Special groups of the Foreign Legion. Buried at Leuville sur Orge Communal Cemetery.

[85] Ivane Zourabichvili (1872‒1940) — a public figure and politician, publicist, translator, and one of the founders of the National-Democratic Party. In 1921 immigrated with his family members to Europe. Had three sons: Artchil, Giorgi and Levan . Buried at Leuville sur Orge Communal Cemetery.

GEORGIA’ S PARTICIPATION IN THE HISTORY OF SPIRITUAL CULTURE IN THE BALKANS

During the summer vacations of 1935 I was able to see the places where Georgian monks in the Balkans had worked and been culturally active. In my overview I include the most important results of my research trip, which lasted from the 14th of July to the 22nd of September 1935.

Romania

One of the most popular hierarchs of the Romanian Church was a Georgian, Anthim the Iberian, who lived at the turn of the 7th and 8th centuries.[1] He was a Metropolitan of Moldavia and Wallachia. He liberated the Romanian Church from Greek and Slavic influences and was one of the first founders of the Romanian Orthodox Church. He died in 1716, as a martyr, drowned by Turks in the Danube. The Romanian Church, which despite the great devoutness of its followers, has no national saints of its own, intends to canonize Anthim.[2]

Although Metropolitan Anthim stayed far from his homeland, he did leave his imprint on the history of the Georgian culture; he sent printers to Georgia and encouraged the-then king of Georgia, Vakhtang[3] to set up a printing house in Tbilisi.[4] The first Gospel, published in Tbilisi in 1709, is the fruit of Anthim’ s work.[5]

Professor Nicolae Iorga’ s[6] kind help facilitated my search for materials concerning Metropolitan Anthim in the Romanian Academy.[7]

Besides Anthim, the Georgian land gave shelter to the greatest Georgian poet after Shota Rustaveli[8], Besarion Gabashvili (pen name ‘Besiki’),[9] and an 18th-century Georgian émigré. He is buried in a cemetery in Iași.[10] It is probable that Georgian monks were staying in the numerous Romanian monasteries, so there might be old Georgian manuscripts. Owing to its excellent printing houses, Bucharest[11] was one of the main centers of the Orthodox Church’ s culture. In 1715 printed there was, for instance, the superb work by Patriarch of Jerusalem Dositheus[12] on the history of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem.[13] This study is of great significance to scholars of the history of numerous Georgian monastic colonies in the Holy Land.[14] So it can be suspected that in Bucharest there might still be unknown works on the history of the Georgian Church. In recent years the Romanians themselves (Professor Balş)[15] have created a theory that it was not the Byzantine Church that had influence on the architecture of Romanian Orthodox churches, suggesting that influence came from Georgia.

In the archives I was also looking for data on the number of Georgian émigrés in Romania in the 17th and 18th centuries and the relations between Georgian monasteries in Palestine and the Romanian metohijas[16] in the Middle Ages.[17] Unfortunately, libraries and museums in Georgia have almost no materials on either of these issues or Anthim. Similarly, very little data has survived in the library of the Romanian Academy.[18]

* * *

Mount Athos. My journey’ s purpose was to see Holy Mount Athos,[19] the republic of Orthodox monks.[20] There are twenty large monasteries, fifteen hermitages (small monasteries) and nine hundred cells (isolated cottages inhabited by one or a few monks). The entire Athos Peninsula belongs to twenty major monasteries. Other monasteries lease their land. The monastic republic has its own government (Greek: Ιερά Κοινότης), which consists of twenty members who are representatives of the twenty major large monasteries. The government has been established since the 10th century in Karyes,[21] situated in the center of the peninsula. The five oldest and richest monasteries of those twenty chair the government (it is an executive committee consisting of four monks and the chairman). The oldest monastery is Great Lavra,[22] established in the 10th century by Saint Anastasius,[23] followed by Vatopedi[24] (Greek), Iviron[25] (Georgian), Hilandar[26](Serbian), and, last but not least, the Dionysiou Monastery.[27] In the old times the Georgian Iviron Monastery was second after the Great Lavra. It remains unknown when and why it lost its privileged position to the Greek Monastery of Vatopedi.[28] All of the five oldest monasteries are Greek except Iviron and Hilandar. Of the remaining fifteen, one belongs to Bulgarians (Zograf)[29] and one to Russians (“Rossikon”, that is the Saint Panteleimon Monastery),[30] which is nineteenth in the hierarchy.[31]

The Athos Peninsula is a Greek protectorate. The Greek government keeps its gendarmerie there and to visit the Holy Mount one needs a permit from Athens.[32]

Athos used to be a cultural and educational center of the entire Orthodox world. The pre-10th-century history of monks from Mount Athos is not well researched. During those times the Mount was inhabited by anchorites, the most eminent of whom was Saint Peter.[33] Saint Athanasius, who began the historical epoch of Mount Athos, came from Trebizond,[34] while according to some manuscripts, his mother was Georgian.[35] Through his mother he was related to the founders of the Monastery of Iviron: Saint John Varaz-vache Chordvaneli (died in 998),[36] Saint Euthymius (died in 1028),[37] and Saint George the Hagiorite (died in 1065).[38] To the three related Georgians (John was Euthymius’ father and George was their close relation) one should add Saint Gabriel,[39] who was related to them in the spiritual sense. This last one lived in the grotto where great Peter the Athonite once lived and did exercises in ascetism. The first three lived with Saint Athanasius in the Great Lavra.[40] When the number of monks coming from Georgia began to increase, they decided to build their own monastery. It was erected approx. forty kilometers from the Great Lavra, in the place where, as the legend has it, Our Lady once went ashore to annunciate Christianity to the pagan inhabitants of Athos. This place was also called the Bay of Saint Clement. To the Georgian monastery came, among others, the great Georgian, general Prince John Tornikios,[41] who wished to spend the rest of his life as a monk. But the general did not enjoy the monastic peace for long. A rebellion against the ruling family, started by the Byzantine general, Bardas Skleros,[42] snatched the gallant Georgian from the monastic refuge, to which he returned after the victorious battle. Tornikios’ weaponry is stored in the monastic vault. For Tomikios’ victory the Georgian monks received from the Emperor large land estates on the Holy Mount and were exempted from all taxes.[43]

The 10th and 11th centuries are the golden age in the history of the Monastery. Before his death Saint Athanasius made Saint Euthymius his successor.[44] The Georgians took care of the Benedictine monks (before the Great Schism)[45] and helped them build their own Monastery of Amalfion.[46] The ruins of this monastery are visible from the sea, half way between the Great Lavra and Iviron.

The Monastery of Iviron was a place of ardent literary work. Euthymius[47] and George translated works not only from Greek into Georgian but also from Georgian into Greek. Saint George even wrote poems in Greek.[48] Today, after so many disasters, the Monastery’ s library still has over a hundred Georgian manuscripts from that period. A very small percentage of them have been studied, and an even smaller published.[49]

With the establishment of the Monastery of Iviron emerges a new direction for Georgian cultural orientation: Byzantium overcomes the influences of Jerusalem, Antakya, and the Coptic Church.[50] The Bible, liturgy, church law, and all other branches of theological knowledge in Georgia from the pre-Iviron epoch now undergo an improvement. This reform conducted by the Georgians, the monks from the Monastery of Iviron, was of tremendous significance for Georgian culture.

Kings of Georgia and all the religious folk endorsed that work. To the Monastery flowed riches from across Georgia in the form of expensive icons, superb liturgical vestments, workforce, and money.[51] The then rich and powerful Georgia was doing everything to make the Monastery, located in the center of the Byzantine Empire, become the best representative of Georgia’ s power. To this day the Monastery’ s vaults are filled with the most precious ancient Georgian texts.

The Monastery of Iviron enjoyed great respect not only among Georgians, but also throughout the entire Orthodox world owing to the miracle-working icon of Our Lady of Iviron,[52] venerated by all members of that Church.

The riches of the Monastery of Iviron inspired greed in Greek monks, who did everything to take control of it. According to Georgian sources, in the early 11th century the Greeks wanted to remove the Georgians from their monastery, but they did not succeed. In the next centuries there were difficulties with protecting the Monastery from Greeks. There were numerous reasons for that. In the mid-13th century the political power of Georgia began to crumble. The country was destroyed. Invasions of Mongols, Persians, and Turks ruined the country. One must also mention here the internal problem, the country was divided into several kingdoms and a number of principalities. Supporting monasteries outside Georgia became extremely difficult. If the Georgians had had one or two monasteries outside their country, they would have been able to support them, but the number of monasteries was much greater. In Palestine alone there were approximately twenty and aside them there were colonies of Georgian monks in Syria (Mons Admirabilis)[53] and Sinai. Colonies of Georgian monks were also located in Antakya, Aleppo and Damascus, Constantinople, Cyprus, on the Mount of Olives, in Bachkovo, and in many other places. The struggle for their maintenance did not enable Georgia, which was weak and divided into several parts, to concentrate forces in defense of the Monastery of Iviron even though it was one of the richest and most important ones. Communication with distant Georgia was very difficult. The Georgian pilgrims and monks were robbed and murdered by Turks. The Monastery was large and required the presence of many monks. Hence, the Georgians were forced to take in Greeks although that was against the last will of the Monastery’ s founder. But when the Greeks began to dominate the Monastery, they dominated and refused to take in Georgians. The Greeks were aiming at taking control of Iviron, in which they eventually succeeded. It remains unknown when the Monastery ultimately fell into Greek hands. The history of the Monastery of Iviron has not been fully researched.

* * *

While travelling to Mount Athos I also visited Thessaloniki,[54] where in the 9th century lived the greatest saint of the Georgian Church, Saint Hilarion the Georgian (died in 875).[55] Hilarion spent a lot of time in Thessaloniki, where he became famous for his piety and miracles. After his death his relics were transported to Constantinople by order of Basil I the Macedonian (867‒886), and a Georgian monastery was founded. The life of Saint Hilarion was first written in Greek, and then translated into Georgian. The Georgian Monastery of Romana in Constantinople, where the relics of Saint Hilarion were laid, was mentioned in 1200 in a diary of a Ruthenian pilgrim.[56] Jules Pargoire[57] intended to locate that monastery, but he died.[58]

Thessaloniki received two marvelous letters written by the Apostle of the Nations. In Byzantine times and during the Middle Ages the city was inhabited by many famous theologians, for instance, Saint Symeon of Thessalonica[59] and Saint Gregory Palamas.[60] It is probable that Saint Hilarion brought many Georgians to work in Thessaloniki. But many ancient texts and manuscripts were destroyed during wars and in the Turkish period.

Owing to help from a Polish honorary consul in Thessaloniki, Mr. Nehama, and a director from the LOT Polish Airlines, Engineer Jerzy Piętkowski, I was given permission to enter Mount Athos. My journey from Thessaloniki[61] to Athos took an entire night. After completing the passport formalities in the Athos harbor, Dafni,[62] and receiving the so-called “Diamonitirion” (Holy Mount passport) for an audience with the Holy Administration in Karyes, I went to see the monasteries.

I had two objectives in Athos, one as a pilgrim and one as a scholar. Being an Orthodox clergyman, I did not want to only examine the religious life of the monks, but also enter it. At the same time I intended to study the Georgian manuscripts at the Monastery of Iviron, duplicate some of them, and also collect information on the life of Georgians on the Holy Mount in the 19th century. Last but not least, I planned to obtain Georgian books and, if possible, also the manuscripts.

Visiting the monasteries of Karyes, I learned that the Georgian monks lived in a small cell named after Saint Stephen located at the Saint Panteleimon Monastery, half an hour on foot from Karyes. Finding that cell was not particularly difficult. Walking by the garden, I noticed an old man wearing a chokha[63] and singing psalms in Georgian. When I spoke to him in Georgian he burst into tears from joy that his compatriots, even from distant Poland, had not forgotten him. There are three of them. I quickly made my acquaintance with them all. In 1926 they leased a small cell at the Monastery of Saint Panteleimon, making a one-off payment in the sum of 20,000 drachmas, after which they paid a 500-drachma lease per year. There used to be five of them but two died. It is agreed that after the death of the last one, the cell is to become the property of the Monastery of Saint Panteleimon. The Georgians cannot take in new members unless the contract is renewed, of course, for the price of approx. 20,000 drachmas.

I visited their small storied cottage, which was relatively clean, their rooms, and the small Orthodox church with a large icon of Our Lady of Iviron and a few 19th century Georgian icons. This library is very modest, it is all that remains of the large collection salvaged from the 1932 fire.[64] This fire caused great losses to Georgian culture, particularly that Georgian books and manuscripts in Europe are few and far between. I copied the books that have survived. Among them were old passports of monks, from which I copied dates and surnames. During a longer conversation with the monks I learnt a lot about their life.

The Brothers Matthew and Athanasius Gvazava[65] have lived on the Holy Mount since 1896. The third monk in the Georgian cell is Tikhon.[66] In the Monastery of Saint Panteleimon lives Father Simon Bagdavadze, who comes from Tobanieri County. He works in the kitchen. He is sixty nine years old and has lived on the Holy Mount for thirty nine years. In the Protecting Veil of the Theotokos cell live two more Georgians. One of them, Michael,[67] lives off alms, and the other one, the hieromonk[68] Father John (Job Turdayev) sews footwear and habits and conducts services in Moldovan and Greek cells, which have no priests. This is his livelihood. The services last from 8 p.m. to 7 a.m. Normal payment for such a service is 15 drachmas (75 groszes), but the Georgian from the Saint Stephen cell receives only six drachmas for this liturgy.

Thus there are six Georgians in Mount Athos, with only two priests among them, Father John and Father Simon. The rest are just ordinary monks. They speak no other language than Georgian, and they have trouble understanding Russian.

* * *

The influx of Georgians to Mount Athos in the 19th century was vast. But they were not admitted to the Monastery of Iviron because the Greeks were afraid of losing it to the Georgians from whom they had taken it. For patriotic considerations the Georgians leased cells and land to build their cells and are mostly from Iviron. The Greeks eagerly leased the land and cells to later have an easier task of evicting the Georgians. The first such cell was the cell of Saint Elijah the Prophet. It is assigned to Iviron and located nearby. The Georgians who were allowed to move in there thought that was a miracle. Later Georgians were not admitted to that cell with the exception of Father Benedict (Bessarion Kiotishvili),[69] who was taken in owing to a Turkish pasha’ s recommendation.[70] Father Benedict always performed religious service with an icon of the Mother of God. At the end of his life that icon was in his cell. He was even permitted to accept Georgians in that cell. The first to arrive was Bessarion Kikodze,[71] a brother of the famous Georgian, Bishop Gabriel of Imereti (died in 1896).[72] Bessarion Kikodze became famous across Athos on account of his holiness. Russians added his life to the lives of other famous 19th-century monks, who should be canonized and they commemorate him on the 1st of October.[73] The last one to live in that cell was the hieromonk Elijah, but in 1919 in order to protest against the removing his compatriots from the Saint John the Theologian cell, he left his cell and returned to Georgia.[74] Fortunately, he took with him important manuscripts, which are now stored in a museum in Tbilisi.[75]

Aside these two cells (of Saint Stephen and Saint Elijah the Prophet) the 19th century Georgian monks lived also in various other monasteries and cells on the peninsula. Their largest number was at the Dionysiou Monastery[76] and several of them went to the monastery of Saint Panteleimon.[77] Here I should mention that one of the most significant representatives of Georgian monasticism in the 19th century, was hieromonk Hilarion.[78] He was a confessor of the last king of Imereti,[79] Solomon.[80] After Imereti had been invaded by the Russians, Father Hilarion accompanied the king in Trebizond and after the king’ s death he returned to Georgia, from where he returned to Petersburg to visit the queen of Imereti,[81] who lived in exile. From there he went to Athos. The Greeks refused to admit him to Iviron, but he was accepted to Dionysiou.[82] He died in 1864. He is famous for a series of miracles he performed in the course of his life. After his death his life was written by his Greek student, hieromonk Sava (1821‒1908). It is interesting that the lives of Hilarion the Great (9th century) and Hilarion the New were written by Greeks.

In the late 19th century Georgian bishops turned to lay authorities for help in fighting the Greeks for the purpose of recovering the Monastery of Iviron. But they did not receive support. The Russian government not only did not support the Georgians’ efforts, but even hampered them, fearing that they would create centers of culture and education beyond the sphere of direct Russian influence and control. For money collected in Georgia the bishops leased the old Monastery of Saint John the Theologian, which had been closed for a long time and which is located on the territory of the Monastery of Iviron. After leasing the Monastery of Saint John the Theologian to the Georgians, the board of the Monastery of Iviron degraded that ancient monastery to the status of a cell, which meant that it could not ordain priests without the superior monastery’ s knowledge, consecrate Orthodox churches, or have more than four monks…[83]

The Greeks still strived to remove the Georgians from the monastery they had leased to them, which finally took place in 1919, when the Entente troops were leaving the Holy Mount. After the death of Hegemon Jonas[84] (the last private person) the board of the Monastery of Iviron expelled the Georgian monks from their leased cell with the use of Greek gendarmerie. The monks only had a right to take only take their necessities.

Some of the Georgian monks returned to Georgia to seek help and favor. They were led by Father Elijah from the Saint Elijah hermitage, who as a sign of protest against the harm done to his compatriots voluntarily abandoned his cell. He took with the most precious Georgian manuscripts, which are now stored in a museum of antiquities in Tbilisi.

Aside the cells of Saint Elijah and Saint John the Theologian in Athos there were also the cells of Saint Andrew and Saint Nino. A monk from those cells, Father Andrew, died in October 1934, purportedly at the age of 105.[85] On the territory of the Monastery of Saint Dionisius, atop a high mountain, is the small cell of the Transfiguration of Jesus, where in the 10th century lived Saint Gabriel the Georgian, who as the legend has it, received at sea the miraculous icon of Our Lady of Iviron. In the 19th century in that cell lived the aforementioned Father Hilarion with his Greek student Sava. Now, the cell is lived in by Father Onuphrius, a Greek and Sava’ s student. In the small Orthodox cell in the central place hangs an icon depicting all the Georgian saints. Diptychs from that Orthodox Church include many Georgian surnames, which prove that donations to that cell were sent from Georgia even during those times. Among the decaying papers in the cell I discovered an interesting document, a life of Father Hilarion written in Greek by his student Sava.

It is possible that there are other cells, which used to be inhabited by Georgian monks, but I have not managed to find them for lack of time. It should be emphasized that there are no proper archives or registers that could inform us about that.[86] Elderly monks are the only source of information.

In the courtyard of the Monastery of Iviron are three Orthodox churches: the large Church of Dormition of the Mother of God and two side chapels. Inside are the tombs of the Monastery’ s Georgian founders: Saint John, Euthymius, Gabriel, George, and John Tornikus. Above the place of their eternal rest burn olive lamps. From the dome is suspended a large, heavily ornamented chandelier, which was donated by Tornikus. The tiles form a mosaic. Another floor was added above the narthex. It houses a library. And beyond it is the ingeniously hidden monastic vault.

The second smaller Orthodox church was erected specially for the miraculous icon of Our Lady. A votive liturgy is celebrated here every day. The icon of Our Lady, blackened by age and the smoke from the ever burning candles, is decorated with a valuable necklace and precious votive offerings hanging all over it. The icon has a silver, ornamental dress, on which there is a Georgian inscription, nowadays carefully concealed.[87]

The third Orthodox church, the Church of Saint John the Baptist, is the oldest one in the Monastery. Inside it are old, precious Georgian paintings, for instance, of Atabeg[88] Kvarkware[89] and his son Mzechabuk.

The monastery’ s vault is a true museum of Georgian art. There are Gospels in ornamental bindings, many precious crosses, reliquaries, richly decorated liturgical vestments embroidered in gold, old icons and chalices. I am positive that there are even more ancient Georgian texts, to which I had no access due to… my Georgian surname.

After Iviron I visited other monasteries in search of ancient Georgian texts. In a refectory at the Monastery of Philotheou,[90] renovated in 1540 by King Levan of Kakheti[91] (a part of Georgia) and his son Alexander,[92] there were supposed to be frescoes depicting those kings. Unfortunately, they are so damaged that it is difficult to identify the Georgian kings. But I found two Georgian inscriptions of 1841 on icons of the Savior and Mother of God in the main Orthodox church of the monastery. I did not enter the library because the librarian was absent and when I asked one of the monks about the library he said that even though he had lived in the Monastery for forty years he did not know where it was.

At the Monastery of Saint Athanasius[93] is an 18th-century Georgian liturgical manuscript. Until my arrival the manuscript had been considered Armenian.[94] In the Monastery’ s courtyard grow two grand cypresses, one planted by Saint Athanasius and the other by Saint Euthymius.

I also visited the Monastery of Saint Dionisius and the Monastery of Saint Panteleimon, which has several 10th and 11th century Georgian manuscripts and many precious liturgical books and manuscripts. I managed to obtain fifty Georgian books and thirteen manuscripts, which I took with me.[95]

At present the Georgian monks in Athos are very old and very poor. But they complain not so much about their destitution as about the fact that they might be the last Georgians on the Holy Mount, and that with their death Georgians will disappear from Athos. So they pray that the Georgian monasticism has a future. Some émigrés might send them students!

But when the Georgians were driven out of the cell of Saint John the Theologian, they were able to take with their library and move it to a new cell, where a fire erupted. One of the monks, father Bartholomew, burned alive in that fire.[96] At present the library has approximately two hundred volumes and duplicates of manuscripts. I was able to obtain six manuscripts. The Georgian émigrés should familiarize Europe with the content of that library. It is likely to fall into ruin, but those books should enter the scholarly world. The Georgian monks are now very old (the youngest of them, Tikhon, is sixty five years old) and they say little about their past. They are particularly silent on the topic of their persecution by the Greeks. They are afraid that the Greeks might take revenge on them or they might be behaving in this way out of Christian love, which teaches us to bless and love our oppressors. I am positive that the latter is true. Anyhow, as the Bulgarian and Moldovan monks assured me, the Georgians lead the way in the Holy Mount as far as religiosity and morality are concerned.

Bulgaria

In Bulgaria I was particularly interested in the Bachkovo Monastery and the mysterious manuscript in the National Library in Sophia,[97] which in the catalogue was described as “a manuscript in an unidentified language.”[98] On my way back to Poland I visited the second center of Georgian education and culture, the Monastery of Bachkovo (Petritsoni in Georgian)[99] in the vicinity of Philippopolis (nowadays Plovdiv)[100] in Bulgaria. The monastery was founded in 1083 by the Georgian magnate and Byzantine Marshal Gregor Bakuriani.[101] In the monastery’ s rule the founder clearly specified that it was erected exclusively for Georgians. The monastery was founded for the purpose of opposing the heresy of the Bogomils, widespread in Bulgaria.[102] The monastery had a seminary and a home for old monks and the sick.

The famous Professor Syrku[103] wrote that the Bachkovo Monastery played a vital role in the history of Bulgarian culture and that it had a tremendous influence on other Bulgarian monasteries.[104] After the Monastery of Saint John of Rila[105] it is the most important and the richest of Bulgarian monasteries. The rule of the Monastery of Gregor Bakuriani was written in three languages: Greek, Georgian, and Armenian. The Greek text was first published in 1888 in Leipzig by Mr. Giorgi Musaeus, an inhabitant of the town of Stenimachos (now Asenovgrad,[106] located nine kilometers from the Monastery) as his doctoral dissertation.[107] Unfortunately, missing from it is section 24 of the rule which forbids taking in Greek monks. Louis Petit, a Latin archbishop of Athens,[108] found a fuller text of the rule in the library of the Academy of Sciences in Bucharest. Unfortunately, this text is not without gaps either.[109]

During my stay in Sophia I managed to find at the National Library a duplicate of a Georgian text of this monastery’ s rule.[110] The duplicate dates back to 1702. It inspired great interest among scholars of Bulgarian culture, and the director of the National Library, Mr. Raycho Raykov, devoted to that event a highly interesting article in one of the most popular Bulgarian dailies (Zora, 2 October 1935).[111] It would be interesting to know when the Georgians stopped living in that monastery and when it was taken over by the Greeks. Father Kristo Miyatiev[112] argues in his study that the Georgians had kept the Monastery only until 1189 and that then it was taken over first by the Greeks and then the Bulgarians.[113] In my opinion the monastery remained in Georgian hands much longer, to which testifies, among others, the 1311 inscription on the dress of the miracle-working icon of Our Lady of Petritson.[114]As I was told by the Bulgarian historian Stanimira Stanimirov,[115] that there is also a Georgian-style morgue dating back to the founder’ s time and a Georgian inscription on the cross on the dome. In 1896 Professor Laskov[116] copied the Georgian inscription in the morgue but when he visited the Monastery again in 1912 the inscription was gone.[117] Professor Syrku also copied Georgian inscriptions from the Bachkovo monastery and submitted them to Professor Cagareli.[118] However, the study on this topic has never been published in full.[119] This is all. At the church museum in Sophia one can see Orthodox utensils: crosses and chalices from that monastery. They have no inscriptions but they must have been manufactured in Georgia and bought for Georgian money during the period when the monastery belonged to Georgians. I managed to obtain some literature on this topic.[120]

The monastery played a major role in the cultural life of Georgia. Born there was a new direction of Georgian literature known as the “Petritsoneli School”. From this school originates the founder of the Neo-Platonic School in Georgia and translator of works by famous philosophers, Joanne Petritsoneli,[121] who was later called King David the Builder[122] by the Georgian king (12th century) to the Gelati Monastery’ s Academy of Theology (western Georgia).[123]

Time and the Greeks’ vengeful hand have destroyed all the ancient Georgian texts in Bachkovo. Nowadays, aside the said icon, on the dome of the main Orthodox church, there is a cross with a Georgian inscription. There is not a single Georgian at the Monastery.

Thus, one may see that ancient Georgian texts are scattered around the globe, unknown and hidden in the dark of oblivion. The misery of the Georgian nation makes it impossible to launch research and a search on a larger scale. But we should spare no efforts nor refrain even from sacrifice for the purpose of saving these treasures, which are priceless for the [Georgian] nation.

[1] (*) Romanian student Gheorghe Chiritescu is writing a thesis on Anthim’ s activity [in 1936 Gheorghe Chiritescu defended his MA thesis entitled “Metropolita Ugro-Wołoski Antim Ivireanul i jego działalność arcypasterska,” written under Professor Dionizy Waledyński’ s supervision, at Warsaw University’ s Department of Orthodox Theology; cf. “Sprawozdanie z działalności Studium Teologii Prawosławnej Uniwersytetu Józefa Piłsudskiego w Warszawie za rok akademicki 1935/36,” supplement to Elpis 10 (1936): XXVII, XXXIV (Footnotes marked with (*) were written by Henryk Paprocki and David Kolbaia. In the text all the footnotes by Grigol Peradze).

[2] (*) Metropolitan Anthim Ivireanul (baptismal name Andria, approx. 1650‒1716) — canonized in 1992. His name is mentioned in the Proskomedia among the holy hierarchs; commemorated on 27 September in Romania and on 13 June in Georgia; cf. Liturghier (Bucharest, 2000), pp. 110, 511; L. Siemionova, Антим Ивиряну in Православная Энциклопедия, vol. 2 (Moscow, 2001), pp. 48‒-489; Z. Machitadze, Lives of the Georgian Saints, trans. D. and L. N. Ninoshvili (Platina: St. Herman of Alaska Brotherhood, 2006), pp. 223‒226; Gruzińscy święci, ed. J. Charkiewicz (Warsaw 2005), pp. 142‒145.

[3] (*) Vakhtang VI (1675‒1737) — Georgian ruler, writer, and scholar. The vali (1703‒1709, during the reign of John XI) and then king of Kartli (1712‒1724). Tried to protect his country, outlawed internal wars, and stamped out banditry. Developed and rebuilt a number of towns and villages. Numerous sacral and lay buildings were erected during his reign. Granted charters to merchants and craftsmen to encourage them to settle in Georgia. The first code of Georgian feudal law, known as Vakhtang’ s Code, was composed in 1705-1708 under his direction. He appointed a commission of scholars for the purpose of writing the history of Georgia from the 14th century to the 18th century. Among its members were Vakhushti of Kartli, Sulkhan-Saba Orbeliani, and Beri Egnatashvili. Put on the throne by Persians, he sought allies at the French, Papal, and Imperial courts and then at the Russian one. Lost the throne after the Turkish invasion of 1724. After emigrating to Moscow prepared a plan of liberating Georgia with help from tsarist Russia. Talented poet, author of elegies, and didactic compositions, author of a commentary on Shota Rustaveli’ s epic poem The Knight in the Panther’ s Skin (1712), which was published by a Tbilisi printing house.

[4] (*) Tbilisi (Georgian: თბილისი, Tbilisi during 1845‒1936) — the capital and largest city in Georgia, on the River Mtkvari (Kura). The history of Tbilisi’ s foundation is shrouded in legend. According to its most popular version, one day King Vakhtang I Gorgasali (440‒502) went hunting with his entourage near today’ s city and discovered hot springs. Enchanted by the beauty of the area, he ordered a city be erected there. Because of the hot springs the city was named Tbilisi — the Georgian word tbili (თბილი) means ‘warm’. In fact, traces of human settlements in what today is Tbilisi date back to more ancient times. The archeological excavations have confirmed their existence as early as in the Copper Age (3rd and 4th centuries BC). The excavations also prove that the city and the stronghold were there approx. 100 years before Vakhtang I Gorgasali’ s reign. In the late 4th century King Vakhtang I Gorgasali developed Tbilisi and erected a palace for himself there, motivated by his intention to move his capital to Tbilisi.

[5] The 14th edition of Encyclopeadia Britannica (1929) puts the following emphasis on the Metropolitan’ s activity:

“Anthim the Iberian is a famous figure in the history of the Romanian Church. Born in Georgia, he arrived in Romania in 1689 as an ordinary monk. In 1705 he became Bishop of Râmnicu Vâlcea and in 1708 Metropolitan of Wallachia. He took active part in the political life. Came into conflict with the new hospodar and was exiled to Rumelia. While crossing the Danube in 1716 he was thrown into the water and drowned by order of a Wallachian prince. Anthim was very talented and spoke many Eastern and European languages. He also learned Romanian and supported its introduction into the Church as the official language. Was a printing master and an artist in that field. Made wooden matrixes used for printing books in Târgoviște, Râmnicu Vâlcea, Snagov, and Bucharest. The first to introduce Eastern alphabets into Romanian printing houses. Published the first Arabic missal for Eastern Christians (Râmnicu Vâlcea, 1702). He also successfully promoted the art of printmaking among Georgians and contributed with his student Michael Istranovich to the first publication of a Gospel in Georgian/Georgian Gospel (1709). Some of his pastoral letters are a model of style, language, and beautiful printing. He also prepared for print a lectionary, a service book (missal), the Gospel Book, and other books. See: M. Gaster, Chrestomathie roumaine (Leipzig, 1881); “Geschichte der rumänischen Literatur,” in G. Gröber, Grundrissder Romanischen Philologie (Strasburg, 1899, II); É. Picot, Notice sur Anthim d’Ivir (Paris, 1886).”

[6] (*) Nicolae Iorga (1871‒1940) — historian, literary critic, playwright, poet, in 1893 became a corresponding member of the Romanian Academy, Prime Minister during 1931‒1932, murdered by members of the Iron Guard.

[7] (*) Romanian Academy (Academia Română) — the main scientific academy in Romania. It deals with the sciences, Romanian literature and art, history of Romania, and regulation of the Romanian language. Set up in Bucharest in 1866 on the initiative of writer and politician Constantin Alexandru Rosetti (1816‒1885).

[8] (*) Shota Rustaveli (2nd half of the 12th century‒early 13th century) — Georgian poet, statesman, progenitor of modern Georgian literature, author of a masterpiece of world poetry — the epic poem entitled The Knight in the Panther’ s Skin, trans. Marjory Scott Wardrop (London: The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1912).

[9] (*) Besarion Gabashvili, pen name ‘Besiki’ (1750‒1791) — Georgian poet and diplomat.

[10] In 1931 in the Georgian periodical Jvari vazis published in Paris I published an overview of Besarion Gabashvili’ s literary output and several of his unknown letters from the Bodleian Library in Oxford. [A reference to “ბესარიონ გაბაშვილის გამოუქვეყნებელი ლექსი”, in Jvari vazisa 1 (1931): 19‒24; (*) [cf. D. Barret, Catalogue of the Wardrop Collection and of Other Georgian Books and Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1973). Everything that remains of Gabashvili’ s tomb is the tombstone stored at the museum of the Palace of Culture in Iaşi — a city on the River Bahlui in Iași County in north-eastern Romania (in the historic region of Moldovia). The first mentions of Iași in historical sources date back to the late 14th century. In the mid-16th century Iași became the capital of the Principality of Moldavia].

[11] (*) Bucharest (Bucureşti) — Romanian capital and the country’ s industrial and service center. Located in the south-eastern part of the country, on the River Dâmbovița. The first mentions of Bucharest date back to 1459. The city was made capital in 1862. In the 19th and 20th centuries it underwent many changes and became the cultural and media center of Romania .

[12] (*) Dositheus II (Notaras, 1641‒1707) — Patriarch of Jerusalem and entire Palestine since 1699, stayed mainly in the Constantinople, actually an agent of the Moscow government. Represented a radical current in the Orthodox Church which excluded any attempts at ecumenical relations. Author of a series of precious scholarly studies. See M. Biernacki, “Досифей II Нотара,” in Православная Энциклопедия, vol. 16 (Moscow, 2007), pp. 71‒79.

[13] (*) Patriarch Dositheus, Ιστορία περί των εν Ιεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων, 1715.

[14] During 1659‒1660 and in 1679 Patriarch Dositheus was in Georgia, where he collected alms for maintenance of Orthodox churches and monasteries in his Patriarchate. In his study [see footnote 13] he described his journey in Georgia and discussed the Catholicate of Abkhazia and the history of Georgian Monasteries in the Holy Land. A summary of that study was published by M.-F. Brosset, “De l’état religieux et politique de la Géorgie jusqu’au XVIIe siècle,” Bulletin Scientifique publié par l’Académie Impériale des Sciences de Saint-Pétersbourg 5 (1839), [vol. 111‒112, col. 111‒112], which was then translated into Russian; see M. Brosset, О религиозном и политическом состоянии Грузии до XVII в, trans. M. Sieleznieva, Журнал министерства народного просвещения, vol. 11‒12, 10 (1843): 1‒44. This work is of great importance for the history of Georgia.

[15] (*) Gheorghe Balş (1868‒1934) — Romanian historian of art, author of the study Biserici şi manastirile moldovenesti dinveacurile al XVII-lea şi al XVIII-lea (Bucharest, 1933); cf. idem, Influences arméniennes et géorgiennessur l’architecture roumaine: communication faite au IIIe Congrès des Études Byzantines (Athènes 1931) (Vălenii de Munte: Datina Româneasca, 1931) .

[16] (*) Metohija (Greek: Μετόχια) — representation of a Church or monastery.

[17] A significant date for that search must be the publication of Patriarch Dositheus’ study on the history of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem (see footnote 12).

[18] (*) In his Bibliographia romanisca veche 1508‒1716 (Bucharest, 1903) J. Brianu mentions two studies published in Tbilisi owing to Metropolitan Anthim: Liturgikon (1710) and Gospel (1709) (pp. 483‒484 and 543‒544).

[19] (*) Monastic Republic of Mount Athos, Athos, Holy Mountain (Greek: Άγιον Όρος) — part of a mountainous peninsula in Greece 60 kilometers long, 7‒12 kilometers wide, covering 390 square kilometers. Enjoys the status of autonomy and it is inhabited exclusively by Orthodox monks, who live in 20 monasteries and sketae, lodges (kalivia), cells (kellia), cottages (kathismata), and hermitages (hesykhasteria) which belong to those monasteries. Each of the monasteries is headed by a father superior elected in a secret ballot by the entire community of monks. It is customary for the superior to hold his position until death. A council of elders (gerontia) helps the superior manage the monastery. The central leadership of Athos is in the hands of the Holy Administration (Iera Epistasia), seated in Karyes. The Holy Administration consists of 20 representatives of the Athos monasteries and convenes twice a week. Decisions regarding the entire community are made by the majority.

[20] (*) History of Mount Athos and its monasteries see K. Kokkas, Góra Atos. Brama do nieba, trans. W. Dzieża (Częstochowa 2003).

[21] (*) Karyes (Greek: Καρυές, from Greek καρύα — hazel) — locality in eastern Greece, capital of Mount Athos. Seated there are Athos public institutions. It has 233 inhabitants and is the largest settlement on the peninsula. The miraculous icon of Virgin Mary entitled It is Truly Meet is displayed at the local cathedral .

[22] (*) Monastery of the Great Lavra (Greek: Μονή Μεγίστης Λαύρας) — the first monastery in Mount Athos, located in the south-eastern part of the peninsula, erected in 963 by monk Athanasius of Athos (also known as Athanasius of Trebizond) owing to a subsidy from Byzantine Emperor Nikephoros II Phokas, who intended to abdicate and become a monk before he was murdered in 969. The Great Lavra is the oldest and largest monastery in Athos. It has as many as 37 chapels. Its library contains 2,046 Greek manuscripts, 165 codices, over 20,000 printed books, and approx. 100 manuscripts in other languages.

[23] (*) Saint Athanasius of Athos (Abraham, ca. 920‒ca. 1000) — creator of the Great Larva in the Mount Athos complex and its hegumen, commemorated on 5 July.

[24] (*) Monastery of Vatopedi (Greek: Βατοπέδι or Βατοπαίδι) — monastery in Mount Athos, second in the Athos hierarchy. Located in the north-eastern part of the Athos Peninsula. It is traditionally believed that it was set up during 97‒985. Built in the 10th century, the Monastery’ s katkolikon is dedicated to the Annunciation to the Blessed Virgin Mary. The Monastery consists of 12 internal chapels and 19 chapels outside the walls. In 1743 set up there was the Athonias Academy, which was destroyed after about a dozen years by monks who opposed fostering intellectual culture. The Monastery’ s library stores nearly 2,000 manuscripts and over 35,000 printed books.

[25] (*) Monastery of Iviron (Greek: Μονή Ιβήρων, Georgian: ივერთა მონასტერი) — monastery in Mount Athos, located in the north-eastern part of the peninsula, over two kilometers from the sea. Established by Georgians during 980‒983 under John the Iberian’ s supervision. This Monastery is third in the Athos hierarchy. The library contains 2,000 manuscripts, 15 liturgical scrolls, and over 20,000 printed books. The Monastery was devoted to John the Baptist and it has 16 internal and 10 external chapels. Stored in the Monastery is the wonder-working icon of Our Lady of Iviron.

[26] (*) Hilandar Monastery (Serbian: Хиландар, Greek: Χιλανδαρίου) — monastery located in the north-western part of the Athos Peninsula. Fourth in the Athos hierarchy. The Monastery was established in its today’ s shape in the 12th century by Stephen Nemiania, who joined the monastery and took the name Simeon, and his son Rastek, known as monk Sava. Initially, Hilandar was Vatopedi’ s branch monastery. It then gained independence and superiority over smaller communities. It has had a clearly Serbian character from the start. The Monastery’ s main church is called the church of the Entry of the Most Holy Mother of God into the Temple and it was erected in the 14th century. The Monastery’ s library stores 181 Greek and 809 Slavic manuscripts as well as at least 20,000 printed books. Its collection of the Medieval Slavic manuscripts is the largest in the world

[27] (*) Dionysiou Monastery (Greek: Μονή Διονυσίου) — monastery in Mount Athos, located in the north-western part of the peninsula. Fifth in the Athos hierarchy. Established in the 14th century by Saint Dionysius of Korisos, after whom it is named. Dedicated to John the Baptist. Produced many famous ascetics and theologians. Its library stores 804 manuscripts and over 4,000 printed books .

[28] (*) On a 1169 document the signature of the Georgian superior of Iviron is second after that of the superior of the Great Lavra, with Vatopedi in the third place. Cf. Русский монастырь св. Пантелеймона на св. горе Афонской (Moscow, 1886), p. 10.

[29] (*) Zograf Monastery (Bulgarian: Зографски манастир, Greek: Μονή Ζωγράφου) — monastery in Mount Athos, located in the south-eastern part of the peninsula. Ninth in the Athos hierarchy. Established in the late 9th century or early 10th century. Its library stores 126 Greek and 388 Slavic manuscripts and approx. 10,000 printed books.

[30] (*) Saint Panteleimon Monastery (Greek: Μονή Αγίου Παντελεήμονος, Russian: Пантелеимонов монастырь, also called Ρωσσικόν — ‘Russian’) — one of the monasteries in Mount Athos, located in the south-western part of the peninsula. Nineteenth in the Athos hierarchy of monasteries. The first mention of the Monastery of Saint Panteleimon in Mount Athos dates back to 988. Established by Leoncius of Thessaloniki and called a ‘Monastery of the Thessalonian’. In the 12th century the Monastery fell into ruin and became almost deserted. Russian monks from the Ksylurgou Monastery settled in it in 1169. From then on the Monastery has been known as Rossikon. There has been another influx of monks from Russia since the 1830s. That was when the present day katholicon dedicated to Saint Panteleimon was erected. The monastery’ s library stores 1,320 manuscripts, of which approx. 600 are Slavic, and over 20,000 printed books.

[31] (*) Aside from that there are two Romanian sketes in Athos: Prodromos (Romanian: Schitul românesc Prodromu), a coneobitic skete established in the 18th century which belongs to the Great Lavra and is located in the vicinity of the grotto of Saint Athanasius of Athos, and the small idiorhythmic skete of Saint Demetrius, located in a gorgeous chestnut forest. The latter belongs to the Monastery of Saint Paul.

[32] (*) Nowadays, one can access Athos only after obtaining the special visa known as the diamonitirion.

[33] (*) Paint Peter of Athos (died in 734) — hermit from Mount Athos; commemorated on 12 June.

[34] (*) Trebizond, nowadays Trabzon (Greek: Τραπεζούντα) — city in Turkey on the Black Sea, historical capital and main city of the Kingdom of Pontus, founded by Greek merchants from Millet in 759 BC on the Silk Road. In the Middle Ages the center of the Empire of Trebizond. Until 1923 inhabited mainly by Pontic Greeks. In the city there was also a large Georgian colony.

[35] (*) Na przykład, według rękopisu N° 398 z Biblioteki Synodalnej w Moskwie, opublikowanego przez Помяловский И. В. Житие прп. Афанасия Афонского, (Petersburg, 1895).

[36] (*) Saint John Hagiorite (died in 998) — headed the Monastery of Iviron in Mount Athos for ten years as its first hegumen, left texts on hagiography and the Bible (lives of saints and commentaries), father of Saint Euthymius the Hagiorite, commemorated on 30 June. Gruzińscy święci, pp. 82‒86; N. Sulava, “Иоанн Святогорец,” in Православная Энциклопедия, vol. 24 (Moscow, 2010), pp. 605‒608, bibliography pp. 607‒608.

[37] (*) Saint Euthymius the Hagiorite (955‒1028) — son of John the Hagiorite, monk in Mount Athos, translator of Christian literature into Georgian, commemorated on 13 May. Cf. Z. Machitadze, Lives of the Georgian Saints, pp. 192‒196; Gruzińscy święci, pp. 87‒92; C. Kurcikadze, N. Chichinadze, “Эвфимий Святогорец,” in Православная Энциклопедия, vol. 17 (Moscow, 2008), pp. 457‒461.

[38] (*) Saint George the Hagiorite (1009‒1065) — monk in Mount Athos, translator of Christian literature into Georgian, commemorated on 27 June. Cf. Z. Machitadze, Lives of the Georgian Saints, pp. 237‒241; Gruzińscy święci, pp. 93‒99; E. Gabidzashvili, N. Krashennikova & N. Chichinadze, “Георгий Святогорец,” in Православная Энциклопедия, vol. 11 (Moscow, 2006), pp. 75‒78.

[39] (*) Saint Gabriel Hagiorite (10th century) — monk in Mount Athos, lived a strictly ascetic life, famous for recovering an icon of the Mother of God from the sea, commemorated on 12 July; Z. Machitadze, Lives of the Georgian Saints, pp. 261-264; Gruzińscy święci, pp. 79‒81; “Гавриил Иверский,” in Православная Энциклопедия, vol. 10 (Moscow, 2005), p. 240.

[40] Lives of the saint Georgians, the founders of the Monastery of Iviron, were translated from Georgian into Latin and published by Father Paul Peeters: “Histoires monastiques géorgiennes,” ABol 36‒37 (1917‒1919): 5‒319.

[41] (*) Saint John Tornikios (Tornike Eristavi, 10th century) — military commander and David III Kuropalates’ favorite, later a monk in Mount Athos, commemorated on 12 April; Z. Machitadze, Lives of the Georgian Saints, pp. 221‒222.

[42] (*) Bardas Skleros (died in 991) — Byzantine General who during 976-979 headed the rebellion in Asia against Emperor Basil II .

[43] Probably in 979, cf. M. Tamarati, L’Eglise géorgienne des origines jusqu’à nos jours (Rome, 1910), p. 320, footnote 1.

[44] As I was ensured in the Great Lavra, nowadays the superior is elected from among the Iviron monks.

[45] (*) A reference to the Schism of 1054 .

[46] (*) The Benedictine monastery of Amalfion existed in Mount Athos from the 10th to the 13th century and for some time it was among the most active centers of Athos monasticism. The fall of Amalfion came after the Fourth Crusade, which ended in the 1204 pillage of Constantinople.

[47] (*) Cf. M. Tarhnishvili, “Die Anfänge der schriftstellerischen Tätigkeit des hl. Euthymius des Iberers und der Aufstand von Bardas Skleros,” OC 38 (1954): 113‒124 .

[48] (*) See E. Metreveli, Очерки из истории Афонского культурно-просветительского центра (Tbilisi, 1996).

[49] Catalogues of manuscripts have been published: A. Cagareli, Сведения о памятниках грузинской письменности, vol. 1‒3 (St. Petersburg, 1886‒1894); N. Marr, Агиографические материалы по грузинским рукописям Ивера (St. Petersburg, 1901); R. Blake published a new catalogue of Georgian manuscripts stored in Iviron [“Catalogue des manuscrits géorgiens de la bibliothèque de la Laure d’Iviron au Mont Athos,” ROC 28 (1931‒1932); 29 (1933‒1934)]. Professor Chachanashvili published several monographs devoted to the individual manuscripts, with those publications including the texts of the manuscripts.

(*) [Cf V. Nikitin, Иверский монастырь и грузинская письменность (к 1000-летию Иверского монастыря) 23 (1982): 94‒118, bibliography pp. 115‒119].

[50] The issue of the Georgian Church’ s attitude to the Coptic Church is vital, but nobody aside Oskar Lemm has taken it up (cf. O. Lemm, “Iberica,” Memoires l’Academie des Sciences de S.P.B., series 6: Classe Historico-Philologique, vol. 6‒7 [1906]). The Georgian version of the Book of Job, which I duplicated on Athos from a 978 manuscript is very similar to the Coptic version published by E. Porcher, “Le Livre de Job. Version copte bohaïrique,” PO series, Paris, vol. 18 (1924). (*) [On 2 February 1937 Grigol Peradze gave a lecture “O gruzińskiej Księdze Hioba” (on the Georgian Book of Job) at the Warsaw Scientific Society (Orientalist Section), cf. Rocznik Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego 30 (1937): 24].

[51] Georgian peasant families established their colony in Ierissos [nowadays a popular resort near Nea Roda. Georgian inscriptions are still visible in the Orthodox church in Ierissos. (*) [Ierissos (Greek: Ιερισσός), originally Akanthos (Greek: Ἄκανθος) or Acanthus — ancient Greek city on the Athos peninsula, established in the 7th century BC by colonists from Andros. In the early 1st century the name Akanthos was changed to Latin Ericius, from which derives the town’ s Byzantine and contemporary name. During the Byzantine period Ierissos was the diocese seat. Associated with Mount Athos since the 10th century .

[52] (*) The icon of Our Lady of Iviron (Greek: Portaïtissa) is one of the most revered icons, the cult of which dates back to the iconoclasm epoch. The icon, which is 137 by 87 centimeters, dates back to approx. 11th century and represents the Eleusa icon type. Venerated on 12 February and on the Tuesday of Easter Week.

[53] Jesuit Hovhannes Mecerian from Beirut discovered ruins of a Georgian monastery in Syria and handed their photographs to Professor Gabriel Millet in Paris. [Hovhannes Mecerian (1888‒1965) — Armenian Jesuit, archeologist, and Church historian, in 1923 founded the College of Saint George the Illuminator in Beirut, in 1932 became a Professor at the Faculty of Theology in Beirut; (*) [Gabriel Millet (1867‒1953) — French Byzantinist].

[54] (*) Thessaloniki (Greek: Θεσσαλονίκη) — city in northern Greece in the Gulf of Salonika of the Aegean Sea. Founded around 315 BC by the King Cassander of Macedon and named after his wife, Thessalonike. The old Roman name of the garrison and the staff is Egnatia. Until the 19th century Thessaloniki had been a multinational metropolis, in which coexisted many nations of that part of the Mediterranean.

[55] The life of Saint Hilarion was translated from Georgian into Latin by Father P. Peeters: “S. Hilarion d’Ibérie,” ABol 22 (1913): 236‒269. (*) [Saint Hilarion the Georgian (822‒875) — in 837 joined the monks living in David Gareja, nine years later in the Holy Land and then took part in the establishment of new monasteries in the homeland. Five years later stayed in the monastery on Bithynian Olympus. Before 867 in Constantinople, spent two years in Rome, from where he went to Thessaloniki, where he died. His eulogy, based on his students’ testimonies, was written by Basil Protasekretis. His life in Georgian was written independently of that text. Commemorated on the 19th of October. Cf. Machitadze, Lives of the Georgian Saints, pp. 416‒421; Gruzińscy święci, pp. 71‒75; Z. Schirtladze, “Илларион Грузин,” in Православная Энциклопедия,

[56] Книга Паломник. Сказание мест святых во Цареграде Антония, Архиепископа Новгородского, в 1200 г., ed. Kh. Lopariev (Petersburg, 1899), p. 36. (*) [Anthony (Dobryna Jadrejkovich, died in 1232) — Archbishop of Novgorod].

[57] (*) Jules Pargoire (1872‒1907) — Assumptionist, French historian and archeologist.

[58] P. Peeters, “S. Hilarion d’Ibérie,” p. 242.

[59] (*) Saint Symeon of Thessalonica (died in 1429) — monk from the Ksantopoulos Monastery in Thessaloniki, in 1416 became the Archbishop of that city, author of liturgical commentaries.

[60] (*) Saint Gregory Palamas (1296‒1359) — Byzantine theologian and philosopher, author of the Triads, defender of the doctrine of hesychasm. Claimed that God was completely transcendental to the world and that his essence was unfathomable to man but totally available in his energies.

[61] (*) Now one can get to Athos from Ouranoupoli (Greek: Ουρανούπολη) ‒ a small Greek town with 960 inhabitants, located on Cape Athos right by the border with the Autonomous Republic of Mount Athos. Situated on the Aegean coast, Ouranoupoli is a tourist center and a ferry port. The history of the town dates back to the 4th century BC. Ferries to the Monastic State of the Holy Mountain set out from Ouranoupoli, and from spring to autumn white fleet ferries go to the foot of Mount Athos and past the famous monasteries but they never come closer to the coast than 500 meters.

[62] (*) Dafni (Greek: Δάφνη) — small harbor in Mount Athos, located between the Ksiropotamou and Simonopetra Monasteries, the Holy Mountain’ s port to which ferries from Ouranoupoli call daily. Dafni has 38 inhabitants.

[63] (*) Black Georgian folk costume.

[64] (*) The fire took place on 4 September 1932.

[65] (*) Skhimonakh Athanasius and skhimonakh Matthew Gvazava settled in the Saint Stephen cell with 17 other Georgian monks in 1919. Athanasius is known to have died on 28 January 1942.

[66] (*) Skhimonakh Tikhon (Timothy Sherazadishvili, 1868‒1955) — moved into the Saint Stephen cell in 1919, in 1943 moved to the Saint Panteleimon Monastery and in 1950 to Iviron.

[67] (*) Skhiyeromonakh Mikhael — at first a monk in the Shemokmedi Monastery in Georgia, then a hermit in a cell on the territory of the Pantokratoros Monastery.

[68] Hieromonk (Greek: Ieromonachos) – monk ordained as priest.

[69] Skhiyeromonakh Benedict (Bessarion Kiotishvili, died in 1862) — Athos elder, lived in the cell of Saint Elijah the Prophet

[70] At Saint Stephen’ s cell I found only a few sheets of a manuscript about the history of Georgians on Athos in the 19th century. These pages pertain exclusively to the history of Bessarion Kiotishvili.

[71] Skhimonakh Bessarion Kikodze (1807‒1893) — Athos monk since 1834, lived in the cell of Saint Elijah the Prophet, famous for his pious life.

[72] (*) Saint Gabriel (Gerasim Kikodze, 1825‒1896) — Bishop of Imereti since 1860, education activist, preacher, defender of Georgian culture, canonized in 1995, commemorated on 13 January; K. Asatiani, Гавриил, in Православная Энциклопедия, vol. 10 (Moscow, 2009), p. 221; Z. Machitadze, Lives of the Georgian Saints, pp. 69‒72.

[73] (*) Anthony of the Holy Mountain, Жизнеописания афонских подвижников благочестия XIX века (Moscow, 1994), pp. 32‒35 .

[74] (*) In the early 20th century Skhimonakh Elijah and elder Macarius moved into the cell of Saint Elijah, which belonged to Iviron

[75] (*) The names of the monks are known: Benedict Besides, Bessarion Kikodze [see footnote 59], Elijah, hieromonk Theodosius (Prince Estravi) [Skhiyeromonakh Teodosius (Theodore Eristavi) — in 1858 joined the Gelati Monastery in Georgia, where in 1860 he took vows and 1866 was ordained a priest, in 1880 moved to Athos] and Macarius [he is known to have lived in the cell of Saint Elijah the Prophet at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries].

[76] In the 17th century Archbishop Timothy sent six Georgians there (P. Yoseliani, Краткая история грузинской Церкви [St. Petersburg, 1843], pp. 79‒83).

[77] Unfortunately, during my stay in the Monastery of Saint Panteleimon I did not manage to establish the names of those Georgians.

[78] (*) Saint Hilarion the Georgian (Jesse Kanchishvili, 1776‒1864) — confessor of King of Imereti Solomon II, then a monk on Athos, lived in the cell of Saint John the Baptist which belonged to the Monastery of Saint Panteleimon (now uninhabited), canonized in 2002, commemorated on 1 February. Cf. Anthony of the Holy Mountain, Очерки жизни и подвигов Старца Иеросхимонаха Илариона Грузина, (Jordanville, 1985); W. Silogava, “Илларион Грузин”, in Православная Энциклопедия, vol. 22 (Moscow, 2009), pp. 196‒199; Z. Machitadze, Lives of the Georgian Saints, pp. 102‒109.

[79] Imereti — region in western Georgia in the Rioni River’ s upper basin. Inhabitants of Imereti speak a Georgian dialect but at the same time constitute an ethnic group with a strong cultural identity. The main city in the region is Kutaisi.

[80] Solomon II (1772‒1815) — from the Bagrationi dynasty, King of Imereti during 1789‒1810, deposed by Russians after they had captured Imereti.

[81] Queen Mary (1785‒1841) — invited hieromonk Hilarion to Peterburg as her confessor and advisor.

[82] K. Leontiev, Отец Климент Зедергольм, иеромонах Оптиной Пустыни (Moscow, 1882), pp. 17‒29, 2nd edition (Paris, 1978). In 1836, upon Professor Alexander Cagareli’ s request, hieromonk Hilarion drafted the first catalogue of Georgian manuscripts stored in Iviron.

[83] During that cell’ s existence (1875‒1919) the Greeks did not let even a single monk be ordained a priest (the Georgians coped with that by taking in monks who had already been ordained). Erected in 1877, the cell’ s main church was not consecrated until 1917, when the Holy Mountain was captured by the Triple Entente troops.

[84] Hegumen skhimonakh Jonas (Khoshtaria, died in 1919) — head of the cell of Saint John the Theologian, which belonged to Iviron. His successor was skhimonakh Simeon (Sava Abashidze, died in 1942), who after expulsion from that cell moved into the Saint Stephen cell, which belongs to the Monastery of Saint Panteleimon.

[85] Skhimonakh Andrew (Alexius Surmava, died in 1934) — came to Athos in 1875, lived in the cell of Saint John the Theologian, which belongs to Iviron, and then in the Saint Andrew one.

[86] (*) Such registers exist but they are not usually shown to outsiders.

[87] (*) Made by Georgian Abrosius in the 16th century, the icon’ s gilded silver dress bears the following inscription in Georgian: “Our Queen, the Mother of Man Loving God, the immaculate Virgin Mary, have mercy on the soul of my master, the great Kaykhostroy Kvarkvarashvili, and I, Abrosius, Your servant, completely powerless and worthy of compassion, thank You, who have made me worthy of making and decorating the holy icon of Your Portaitissa. Accept this minor act of boldness as my offering and preserve the rest of my life from sin. And help me at the moment of my miserable soul’ s departure, destroy all registers of my sins. Put me, a sinner, beside the throne of Your Son and God, and the His Eternal Holy Father, and the Holy Spirit now and always and forever and ever. Amen.” Cf. N. Kondakov, Памятники христианского искусства на Афоне (St. Petersburg, 1902), 2nd edition — (Moscow, 2004), p. 167.

[88] (*) Atabek — a Sejluk title bestowed on a teacher of sultan’ s sons or a province governor. An atabek was subordinate to a sultan but higher in hierarchy than a khan. The word ‘atabek’ can be translated as ‘prince’ s father’. This title was common among Seljuks from the 11th to 13th century, and in certain regions also in the subsequent centuries.

[89] (*) Atabek Kvarkvare (15th century) — governor of the Samtskhe Province, formed a coalition with Muslim neighbors against the king.

[90] (*) Philotheou Monastery (Greek: Μονή Φιλοθέου) — monastery on Athos, erected in the 10th century. In 1540 King Levan of Kakheti renovated the Monastery and the large refectory. Its library contains 250 manuscripts. 12th in the Athos hierarchy .

[91] (*) Kakheti — region in eastern Georgia, in the north borders on the Tusheti Province in the Greater Caucasus Mountains, in the south and east on Azerbeijan, and in the west on the Georgian Province of Kartli. Kakheti had been an independent principality since the late 8th century. In the early 11th century it was incorporated into the Kingdom of Georgia. In 1460, after the fall of the Kingdom of Georgia it became an independent kingdom. In 1762 merged with the neighboring Kingdom of Kartli. The two kingdoms were significantly weakened by the frequent invasions of Persians and as early as in 1081 the Kingdom of Kartli-Kakheti was incorporated into Russia. After Georgia had regained her independence in 1991 Kakheti has been a region of the Republic of Georgia with the capital in Telavi.

[92] (*) King Levan of Kakheti ruled during 1520‒1574, while his son Alexander II was king during 1574–1602.

[93] That is in the Great Lavra.

[94] A manuscript in Georgian with a description of the journey to the Holy Land in 1623. According to the manuscript, as late as 1623 Golgotha was still in Georgian hands.

[95] In the cell of Saint John the Theologian there are duplicates of Georgian manuscripts from not only Iviron, but also Georgia. Among the manuscripts I took with are apocryphal texts of lives of saints, Apophtegmata Patrum, works of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite with scholia, speeches of Saint Macarius the Great, speeches of Saint Isaac the Syrian, and an authentic manuscript written by Georgian writer Yona Khelashvili (Georgian writer in the first half of the 19th century), which has been vital for the history of the Georgian émigré community in Petersburg. Of the printed books I should mention Грузинский Рай, the extremely rare, luxurious edition of the 1882 lives of saints, 19th-century liturgical books, a collection of 19th-century catechisms, Pentekostrarion, Lenten Triodion, and many more.

[96] (*) Skhimonakh Bartholomew (1872‒1932) — in 1919 moved into the cell of Saint Stephen, where the fire broke out on 4 September 1932.

[97] (*) Sofia (Bulgarian: София, from Greek σοφία — wisdom) — capital and largest city in Bulgaria. Located in western Bulgaria in the valley at the foot of the Vitosha mountain range, on the River Boyanska, a left tributary of the River Iskar. Set up by Romans, it was called Serdica, since 808 within the Bulgarian borders, beginning with the late 14th century under Turkish rule, since 1879 the capital of the Bulgarian state.

[98] B. Tsoniev, Опис на ръкописите и старопечатните книги на Народната библиотека в София (Sofia, 1910), p. 517.

[99] (*) The name Petritsonis (Georgian: პეტრიწონი) comes from Greek (Πετριτζος),from which derives the Bulgarian name of the locality — Петрич, which was property of Byzantine empress Maria, a daughter of Bagrat IV of Georgia (1207‒1072).

[100] (*) Plovdiv (Bulgarian: Пловдив) — town in central Bulgaria, in the western portion of the Upper Thracian Plain on the River Maritsa. Archeological findings suggest that it was inhabited long before the first millennium BC. Until the fourth millennium BC there had been a fortified town of Thracians called Eumolpias, which in 342 BC was sized by Philip II of Macedon and renamed Philippopolis.

[101] (*) Gregor Bakuriani was killed during a campaign against Pechenegs in 1086 [Pechenegs — a union of several nomadic tribes, most probably of the Oghuzan group, which left the terrains in Central Asia which they originally inhabited and during the 8th‒9th century settled between the lower course of Volga and the River Yaik].

[102] (*) Bogomils — members of a syncretic Christian sect which combined Zoroastrian dualism with Christianity. Bogomil means ‘dear to God’ in Bulgarian. One of the Bogomils’ truths of faith was that God had two sons — younger Jesus and older Satan and that the world was created by the latter. Bogomils did not believe in sacraments, holy pictures, holidays, liturgy, or church hierarchy. They rejected construction of sacral buildings, deeming physical matter a satanic creation. Most information about Bogomils comes from written testimonies of clergymen and travelers. Born from opposition to Byzantine influences in Bulgaria in the 10th century, that religion ran counter to the-then religious-social system .

[103] (*) Polichroniy Syrku (1855‒1905) — Slavicist, Professor of the University of St. Petersburg.

[104] P. Syrku, К истории исправления книг в Болгарии в XIV в еке, vol. I, part 1: Время и жизнь патриарха Евфимия Терновского (St. Petersburg 1898), pp. 36‒37.

[105] (*) Saint John of Rila (approx. 876‒946) — after his parents’ death went to the Rila Desert, where he spent 60 years fasting and praying constantly. His pious life was attracting a growing number of monks, which gave birth to a monastic community, with Saint John himself as its superior. Living a hermit’ s life, John fasted and prayed. His relics are now stored in the Rila Monastery (Bulgarian: Rilski manastir) situated in the valley of the Rila mountain range, approx. 120 kilometers south of Sofia. The Monastery’ s present day shape dates back to the 19th century, when owing to the Bulgarian society’ s donations erected was the enormous monastery complex harmoniously blended with its natural surroundings; cf. K. Ivanova, D. Cheshmiedziyev, and A. Turilov, “Иоанн Рильский,” in Православная Энциклопедия, vol. 24 (Moscow, 2010), pp. 585‒596.

[106] (*) Asenovgrad (Bulgarian: Асеновград, Greek: Στανίμακα) — town in central Bulgaria, founded by Thracians as Stenímachos around 400 BC, in 72 BC captured by the Roman Empire.

[107] (*) G. Musaeus, “Γρηγοριος Παχουράνος μέγας δομέστικος της Δισεος και το επ 'αυτού Τυπικών της μονής της Θεοτόκου της πετριτζονητισσης,” in Dissertationes Jenenses, vol. 4 (Leipzig, 1888), pp. 135‒219 [Later edition: S. Kauchchishvili, Греческие тексты с грузинским переводом (Tbilisi, 1963), pp. 88‒301].

[108] (*) Louis Petit (1868‒1927) — Assumptionist, founder of the Echos d’Orient periodical, Archbishop of Athens since 1912, cf. J. Walter, D. Stiernon, Notes historiques de la présence assomptionniste en Grèce (1934‒1984) (Athens, 1984); Actes du Colloque Mgr Petit tenu à Rome en 1997, ed. B. Holzer (Rome, 2002).

[109] (*) “Typicon de Grégoire Pacourianos pour le monastère de Petritzos (Bačkovo) en Bulgarie.” Original text published by L. Petit, Византийский Временник, Приложение, vol. 11 (1904): XXXII, 63. Latin translation: M. Tarhnishvili, “Typicon Gregorii Pacuriani,” in Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium (Leuven, 1954), vol. 144 = Scriptores Iberii, vol. 3; V. Arutyunova-Fidanyan, Tipik Grigori Pakuriana (Erevan, 1978).

[110] (*) The Georgian version of that rule was published in A. Shanidze, Грузинский монастырь в Болгарии и его Типик. Грузинская редакция Типика (Tbilisi, 1985).

[111] R. Raykov, “Нов важен документ за историята на Бачковския манасти,” Зора, vol. 4878, no. 17(1935): 5.

[112] (*) Kristo Miyatiev (1892‒1966) — Orthodox clergyman, art historian, member of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences.

[113] (*) K. Miyatiev, “Монастир на св. Богородица Петричка при Бачково,” Болгарска историческа библиотека 5 (1932‒1933): 68‒75.

[114] (*) Impressed on both sides of Virgin Mary, the inscription on the dress of the icon of Our Lay of Bachkovo reads:

“მოიჭედა წმინდაი ესე ხატი ყოვლად წმიდისა დედოფლისა ჩუენისა ღმრთისმშობლისაი პეტრიწონს ორთა ხორციელად ძმათა მიერ თაოელთა ეგნატის შვილთა მოძღურისა ათანასის და ოქროპირისა პერპერითა რკე და წინაშე ხატისა საკანდლითა ვერცხლისაითა საბერძნეთს მეფობასა კეთილად მსახურთა მეფეთა ანდრონიკე, მიხაელ და ანდრონიკესა პალეოლოლოს ძეთასა, ხოლო ქართლს კონსტანტინესსა და დიმიტრისა ბარგატონიანთასა, დასაბითგანთა წელთა ბერძულად ხყით, ხოლო ქართულად ხშიე.

წმიდაო ღმრთისმშობელო, შეიწირე მცირე ესე ძღუენი მათი და შეუნდვენ და მეოხ ეყავ მათ და მათ მშობელთა მათთა დღესა მას დიდსა სასჯელისასა წინაშე ძისა შენისა და ღმრთისა ჩუენისა. ამინ, ამინ იყავნ, ამინ. ქრონიკონსა ფლა, ინდიქტიონსა თ.

ქრისტე ღმერთო, შეიწყალენ სულნი მათნი, კაცთ მოყუარე, ამინ.”

[Translation:] “This sacred icon of our Queen, the Mother of God, made in Petritsoni by two brothers, Father Athanasius and Father Okropir, sons of Egnati of Tao, which has one hundred and twenty five pearls, along with the silver candlesticks to be placed before the icon, for King Andronikos and his sons Michael and Andronicus Palaiologos in Greece, and in Kharti for Kings Constantine and Dmitry Bagration, in the year 6819 since the creation of the world in the Greek chronology and in the year 6915 in the Georgian one,

Holiest Mother of God, accept this small gift and forgive them and protect them and their families on the momentous Judgment Day before Your Son and our God. Amen, so be it, amen, amen. According to the chronology, the year 531, ninth indiction.

Christ, our Lord, who loves men, have mercy on their souls. Amen.”

Thus, this inscription is dated 1311. Constantine (1293‒1329) king of Imereti, son of David VI Narin, while David was probably Constantine’ s son, cf.: A. Shanidze, ქართველთა მონასტერი ბულგარეთში (Tbilisi 1971), pp. 354‒362; R. Levakov, Бачковски манастир. “Успение на Св. Богородица” в миналото и днес (Bachkovo, 1929); E. Bakalova, “La vénération des icônes miraculeuses en Bulgarie: aspects historiques et contemporains d’un pèlerinage,” Ethnologie Française 12 (2000): 266‒267, bibliography pp. 273‒274; A. Grabar, Les revêtements en or et en agent des ikônes bizantones du Moyen Age (Venise, 1975); I. Sterligova, О значении драгоценного убора в почитании святых икон, in Чудотворная икона в Византии и Древней Руси, ed. A. Lidov (Moscow, 1996), pp. 123‒131 .

[115] (*) Stanimir Stanimirov (1858-1943) — Bulgarian church historian and church activist.

[116] (*) Daniil Laskov (died in 1922) — Bulgarian theologian and historian.

[117] D. Laskov, “Грузински надпис от Бачковския манастир,” Известия на Археологическото дружество 4 (1915): 268‒270.

[118] Alexander Cagareli (1844‒1929) — Georgian philologist, specialist in Old Georgian literature, professor of the University of Tbilisi.

[119] In 1887 Alexander Cagareli gave a lecture about that topic at the Orientalist Section of the Archeological Society in Saint Petersburg. Only an account of it has been published: N. Marr, “Разные известия и заметки,” Христианский восток, vol. 1, no. 2 (1913): 149‒150.

[120] (*) Cf. more recently published literature: S. Stanimirov, “Бачковският манастир от 1086 до 1402 г.,” Духовна култура, vol. 7‒8 (1939): 238‒251; E. Bakalova, “Изображения на грузински светци в Бачковската костница”, Известия на института за изкуствознание 16 (1972): 87‒108; E. Bakalova, R. Siradze, “Новооткрит старогрузински надпис в Бачковската костница,” Музеи и паметници на културата, vol. 3 (1975): 7‒10; N. Lomouri, К истории грузинского Петриционского монастыря (Tbilisi, 1981); D. Panayotova-Piguet, “Les peintures de Bačkovo – oeuvre d’Ivan le Géorgien,” Bedi Kartlisa 39 (1981): 182‒215; S. Kisyov, Бачковски манастир (Sofia, 1983), 2nd edition — 1900; The Ossuary of the Bachkovo Monastery, ed. E. Bakalova (Plovdiv, 2003); Бачковският манастир, ed. S. Kisyov (Sofia, 2005).

[121] (*) Joanne Petritsoneli (12th century) — administrator of the seminary at the Bachkovo Monastery in Bulgaria. Called to Georgia by King David (12th century), he moved into the Gelati Monastery. Neo-Platonian philosopher with enormous knowledge. Famous for his work on Georgian grammar and philosophical terminology.

[122] (*) Saint David the Builder, King David the Builder (1073‒1125) — son of King George II of Georgia. In 1089 took the Georgian throne after his father. During his long reign made Georgia rich and powerful. Also contributed to the elevation of the status of the Church in his kingdom, renovated and erected many churches and monasteries, and strengthened discipline among clergymen. Commemorated on 26 January I. Cf. Z. Machitadze, Lives of the Georgian Saints, pp. 71‒79 .

[123] (*) Gelati — monastery near Kutaisi in western Georgia, founded in 1106 by Saint King David the Builder. The legend has it that the King personally participated in its construction. He was buried there after his death. For a long time the Monastery was one of the main cultural and intellectual centers of Georgia. It housed the Academy, which associated the most eminent Georgian scholars, theologians, and philosophers. Due to the broad and versatile activity of the Gelati Academy, its contemporaries called it ‘New Greece’ or ‘Second Athos’. Many frescoes and manuscripts dating back to the 12th‒17th century have survived in the Monastery. In 1994 the Gelati Monastery was put on the UNESCO World Heritage list.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE GEORGIAN MONKS AND MONASTERIES IN PALESTINE

The history of the colonies of Georgian monks in Palestine is the most colorful page in the history of Georgian culture. The commencement of Georgia’ s relationship with the Holy Land is simultaneous with the beginning of Christianity in Georgia. Legends even maintain that this history begins with the coming of Christ.[1]

The Georgians spared neither energy nor money to preserve the holy places in good condition. They possessed many monasteries of their own, including Golgotha, the holiest spot in the whole of Christendom. The culminating point of Georgian rule in the Holy Land coincided with the Golden Age of Georgia, the 10th‒12th centuries. Another short period of prosperity was experienced by the Georgian monasteries in the late Middle Ages, due to the help of the Egyptian Mamelukes[2] who originated from Caucasia. But with the beginning of Turkish rule in the Holy Land (from 1517), came the gradual decline of Georgian power. The apparently friendly relations between Russia and Georgia considerably aggravated the Turks and they began to oppress the Georgian monks with heavy taxation, persecuted them, and sold their monasteries to the Franciscan friars. It must not be forgotten, too, that this was the period of the disintegration of spiritual life in Georgia. Of the prosperous colonies of monks in Palestine, not one remained after the middle of the 19th century.

The history of the colonies in Palestine is at the same time the history of the political power and culture of Georgia. These colonies were the source of our greatest literary gems, both translations and original works. To this very day, the Greek Patriarchate Library in Jerusalem possesses many ancient Georgian manuscripts. These have been described, first by Alexander Cagareli,[3] and, later, by Robert Pierpont Blake.[4]

This extremely important chapter of our past history has been very insufficiently dealt with; only one work on this subject has been published, and this appeared in 1888.[5] Monographs relating to the individual monasteries are lacking. Cagareli based his book on facts acquired from Georgian sources, but since its publication, new and important information has come to light. The Georgian sources cannot supply the whole of the material needed to throw light on the history of the Georgian monks; facts derived from Pilgrim literature must also be included. In the above-mentioned work,[6] Cagareli realizes the importance of describing the Holy Places according to the pilgrims, but he does not delve very far into this matter.

To supplement this, and to fill an important gap in the research into the history of Georgian culture, it has been my task in presenting this essay.

In Part I of the present work I reproduce excerpts from Pilgrim literature, which relate to the subject of the Georgian colonies in Palestine. I realize, of course, that here Pilgrim literature is not completely represented.[7] It is impossible, though, to find anywhere an entire collection of Pilgrim literature. No library in the whole world, not even that of the celebrated British Museum possesses an entire collection of Pilgrim literature. Besides, the major part of this literature is not edited, and is lying, an undiscovered treasure, not only in the museums and libraries of Europe, but in private collections also, a fact which renders it even more inaccessible. Furthermore, Pilgrim literature exists in every imaginable language, and one cannot be expected to know them all.[8]

It is a task for a scientific institute or society rather than for one man, since the compilation involves many preliminary studies, much travel, and endless library research. For the last ten years I have been collecting (with many interruptions) all the material in Pilgrim literature, which concerns the Georgians. During this period I have been able to visit England several times, and to study the Pilgrim literature in the British Museum. I have also taken the opportunity during my sojourns in Paris and Leipzig (Library of the German Society of Palestine) to continue making my collection of notes on the subject of Georgian monasteries. In the summer of 1936, I had the great good fortune to visit the Holy Land.[9] It was during this journey that I decided to publish my collection of notes.

In Part II, I give the result of research work into the subject of Georgia and the Georgians in Palestine as revealed in the writings of the Pilgrims. In many ways these writings fill the gap in our knowledge of Georgian life and Georgian history.

Part I

Excerpts from Pilgrim Literature bearing on Georgia and the Geor gian monks in Palestine

Prior to the 10th century one finds but scanty reference made to the Georgian monasteries in Palestine.[10] I have only succeeded in tracing six such references in non-Georgian literature of this period, namely:

1. Middle of the 5th century

Peter the Iberian, Bishop of Mayuma:[11]

“Thereupon St. Peter also chose a spot, above by the Holy Church of Zion near the tower known as ‘David’ s’ to build, and thereon built a monastery still known as the monastery of the Iberians, and which lies to the left when one goes from the second portal of the aforementioned tower to the Holy Church of Zion.”[12]

2. 3rd‒6th centuries

During excavation operations in September 1932, an old cemetery was discovered on the site of the present Y.M.C.A.[13] building. A gravestone with a Greek inscription (now in the Palestine Museum in Jerusalem)[14] was found. This inscription, deciphered by John Henri Iliffe,[15] reads:

“Private tomb of (Samuel), Bishop of the Georgians and of the monastery there (?), which they (i.e. the Georgians) purchased (or frequented) in the Tower of David.”[16]

3. First half of the 6th century.

The testament of St. Sabba. (531) of Hegiasmenos:[17]

From this testament one learns that the Georgians possessed their own church in the St. Sabba Monastery in the Kedron gorge.[18]

4. Second half of the 6th century

Emperor Justinian (527‒565):[19]

According to Procopius,[20] Justinian restored, approximately in the year 560, “The church of the Iberians in Jerusalem and the church of the Lazes[21] in the desert of Jerusalem.”[22]

5. 7th century

An Armenian pilgrim in the 7th century mentions:

“The monastery of the Gogarenes” (i.e. Georgians). “The Monastery of St. John near the Resurrection Gate. This is now occupied by the Georgians.[23] Three other monasteries belonging to the Albanians are now occupied by the Saracens.”[24]

6. Early 9th century

In the year 808 one reads:

“On the Mount of Olives dwell four Georgian monks; in Gethsemane by the boulder dwell three hermits: a Greek, a Syrian, and a Georgian.”[25]

7. From the 10th century, however, the references increase, and we find:

1050. “A part of Golgotha is obtained by the Georgian King Bagrat Kuropalat,[26] by whom a Georgian bishop[27] is appointed there.”

1106-1107. A Russian pilgrim, Igumen Daniil: [28]

“The Monastery of the Gross belongs to the Iberians.”[29]

1108. The widow of a Georgian king enters the Georgian convent in Jerusalem.[30]

1121‒1122. “The Mohamedans gather an army of six hundred thousand men and march against the Georgian King David.[31] They want to destroy Georgia so as to be free to subjugate Jerusalem and Antioch.”[32]

”1170. An anonymous pilgrim:

“The monastery of the Cross outside Jerusalem belongs to the Georgians.”[33]

1173. Benjamin of Tudela:[34]

“It is full of people (in Jerusalem) whom the Mohamedans call Jacobites, Syrians, Greeks, Georgians, and Franks.”[35]

1178. “The King of Jerusalem, Baldwin IV (1173‒1185)[36] confiscates the vineyard of the Georgian Monastery of the Cross and gives it to the Latin Canons of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher.”[37]

1180. Jacques de Vitry,[38] the Latin Patriarch in Jerusalem:

“There is also in the East another Christian people, who are very warlike, and valiant in battle, being strong in body and powerful in the countless number of their warriors. They are much dreaded by the Saracens and have often by their invasions done great damage to the Persians, Madies,[39] and Assyrians on whose borders they dwell, being entirely surrounded by infidel nations. These men are called Georgians, because they especially revere and worship St. George, whom they make their patron and standard-bearer in their combat with the infidels, and honor him above all other saints. They read the scriptures in Greek and administer the Sacraments after the Greek fashion. Their clergy have round tonsures, and their laity square ones. Whenever they come on pilgrimage to the Lord’ s Sepulcher, they march into the Holy City with banners displayed, without paying tribute to anyone; for the Saracens in no wise dare to molest them, lest on their return they should revenge themselves on other Saracens, their neighbors. Their noble women, like the Amazons, bear arms in battle like knights. The Georgians were very indignant and threatened Corradinus, Prince of Damascus, because he presumed to break down the walls of Jerusalem against their will, when the Latins were besieging Damietta. They wear their hair and beards about a cubit long and have hats on their heads.”[40]

1185. The Pilgrimage of Joannes Phocas[41] in the Holy Land:

“In the community of holy Saba are forty inspired men, of whom six converse directly with God […] the fifth one is a Spaniard.”[42]

“In the monastery of St. Gerasimos (desert of Jordan) dwells an ancient monk (‘Spaniard’) to whom various miracles are attributed.”

“In the same desert in the monastery of St. Chrysostom, there again dwells a Spaniard.”

“The Monastery of the Cross,” a monastery of Spanish monks.”

“Immediately beyond Gethsemane, not more than an arrow-shot distant, stands the building called the ‘Kettle’[43] which is built upon the rock in a square form of the height of two spears, and tapering like a pyramid from the base to the summit, wherein an Iberian monk has shut himself up, and is working out his own salvation.”

1187. After the conquest of Jerusalem by Saladin:[44]

“An ambassador also came from the Georgians, with instructions relative to the places of pilgrimage maintained by that people in Jerusalem, which they were anxious to keep on good order; they complained that they had been dispossessed and begged the Sultan to have compassion on them and order the places in question to be restored to those in charge of them.”[45]

1187. Saladin gives the Georgians the Monastery of St. Nicholas.[46]

1187. La Citez de Jerusalem:

“The monastery of the Cross belongs to the Jorjans.”[47]

1207‒1208. “The Georgians march with a countless number of warriors against the unbelievers and have already conquered three hundred fortresses and nine large towns. They will free the Holy City and subjugate all the unbelievers (Mohamedans).”[48]

1217. Magister Thetmarius[49] places the Georgians fourth:

“Syriani, Lacini, Jacobici, Georgiani, Armeni, Greci, Nestoriani.”[50]

1219. “Surianos, Ethiopas, Armenios, Georgianos et allios Asiae christianos Hierozolymam incolentes multos numero.”[51]

1231. Ernoul:[52]

“The Monastery of the Cross belongs to the Georgians.”[53]

1253‒1254. “The Monastery of the Cross belongs to the Iberians” (that is, the Georgians.).[54]

1280. Burchard, of Mount Sion:[55]

“Who could tell how many monks and nuns (come to Jerusalem) from Georgia, Greater and Lesser Armenia, Chaldea, Syria, Media, Persia, India, Ethiopia, Nubia, Nabatenia, of the Maronite Jacobites, Nestorian, Greek, Syrian, and other sects that this day roam over that land in troops of one hundred or two hundred each.”[56]

1280. The fight of the Mongols against the Mamelukes:

“In the East there are also the races of the Christians. There are the Armenians, the Greeks, the Christians of the Cincture, the Nothormi[57] the Jacobites, the Georgians, and the Indians; all these peoples are pining under the cruel yoke of the unbelievers.”[58]

“In the year 1280 the Christians united with the Mongols against the Egyptians. There were fifty thousand Mongols and thirty thousand Greeks, Georgians, Armenians, and Franks.[59]”

1299. “Gaan,[60] the Chan of the Mongols, marched from Taurisagaonst[61] the Egyptians, on the 16th of October 1299. With him were united the Kings of Armenia (Hethun[62]), of Georgia (David),[63] and of Cyprus.”[64]

“We also learn from Pachymere[65] that Gazan had the Christians from Iberia with their Cross-banner in his army.”[66]

1300. Octave of the Epiphany:

“In the year 1300 the Christians in Jerusalem were able to celebrate Easter. Gazan returned to the King of Armenia the territory that the Sultan had taken from him; to his brother he gave Syria[67] but to the Georgians he gave Jerusalem.”[68]

1200‒1308. “The official” report of the Greek Patriarchate in Jerusalem concerning the Georgians:

“The Georgians came to Palestine about the year 1200, with the help of the Mamelukes and Circassians. They gave a great deal of assistance to the Greek Patriarchate and therefore the Greeks gave them the Monastery St. Nikolas and later the Monastery of the Cross. As the number of Georgians was very large, they received from us the monasteries of St. Jacob, St. John the Theologian, St. Theodore, St. Demetrios, St.Thecla, St. Katherine, and in the year 1308, Golgotha.”[69]

1305. During the rule of El-Malek en Naser Mohamed,[70] the Church of the Monastery of the Cross was taken from the Christians.

“But in the year of the Hegira, 705 (24. VII. 1305), an ambassador came from the king of Georgia. In response to his plea the church was returned to the Christians.”[71]

1335. Jacques de Verone, an Augustinian friar:

“Near the Nubian chapel (in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre) is the other Georgian chapel.”[72] The Georgians are placed eighth.”[73]

“The Georgian monks live in the Monastery of the Cross.”[74] “The Georgians have their altar in the Basilica of Bethlehem outside the Crypt” (where Christ was born).[75]

1336. Guilielmus de Baldensel:[76]

“The Mount Sarrandarion belongs to the Georgians.” The Georgian monks received Wilhelm of Baldensel very hospitably.”[77]

1347. Ludolph of Sudheim:[78]

“The Georgians have the key to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and not even for large sums of money will they give away so much as the smallest piece of stone from the tomb.”[79]

1366. “The King of Cyprus, Peter Lusinian,[80] an Armenian, conquered Alexandria, which is in Egypt and slaughtered all the Mohamedans and Saracens who lived there. Because of his success, the Armenians in Jerusalem became audacious; they bribed those in power and took possession of Golgotha, which they managed to keep in their power for a few years.”[81]

1370. Archimandrite Agrethenios:[82]

“In Jerusalem are the Iberian and Syrian monasteries.”[83]

“In the Church of Our Lady, to the right of the Holy Sepulchre, stands the altar of the Iberians.”[84]

“At the spot where the tree from which the Cross was made was cut down, stands the Iberian monastery.”[85]

“In the main street in Jerusalem, towards the end of the city, there are three steps leading downwards; here stands the Pretorium (in Greek Phulaki)[86] […] The Holy Altar in this place belongs to the Iberians and the Iberian services are held here.”[87]

“In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, in the tomb where the three crosses were discovered, twenty nine steps lead downwards, and at the bottom stands a big stone pillar from which the fresh dew is perpetually gushing forth; the Holy Altar here belongs to the Iberians […] Another ten steps downwards is the spot where the Empress Helena[88] found the three corpses, here also is an Iberian altar.”[89]

“Below Golgotha is the Georgian chapel, and on Golgotha the Armenians celebrate their services.”[90]

“In the cavern, in the Laura of St. Sabba, where the barbarians murdered forty monks, is the Iberian church.”[91]

1384. Lionardo Frescobaldi:[92]

“The Armenians live in the monastery of the Cross.”[93]

End of the 15th century. “The Iberians own Mount Golgotha.”[94]

“The Monastery of the Cross is the monastery of the Iberians.”[95]

1393‒1395. Ignati of Smolensk:[96]

“The Georgians’ service is held on Golgotha where the skull of Adam lies. Beneath Golgotha is the Iberian land and there Iberians hold their services. The Franks hold their services after the Georgians.”[97]

“In the Holy Sepulchre of Our Lady (Gethsemane) the services are held by the Georgians.”[98]

1420. Deacon Zosima:[99]

“The Iberians own the Monastery of the Cross.”[100]

“and from there we went to the Iberian monastery, where the tree was felled, which was destined to be the Cross.”[101]

1421. John Poloner:[102]

“In the churchyard, outside the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, there are four chapels […] the third on the same side (left of the Holy Sepulchre) is that of St. John the Baptist […] the third chapel belongs to the Georgians.”[103]

“In the street of the Bishop of Jerusalem is the house of St. Zacharias, which belongs to the Georgians, and therein is a fair chapel dedicated to St. John the Baptist.”[104]

“Twenty eight paces down the valley of Jehoshaphat,[105] down forty eight steps, there is a fair church, wherein is the Sepulchre of the Glorious Virgin Mary […] The first altar, by the side of the Sepulchre, belongs to the Armenians; the second, beneath a dark vault, belongs to the Georgians […] [106] From thence (i.e. from the house where St. John the Baptist was born) one goes on to another well-ornamented church belonging to the Georgians, called the Church of the Cross, because the tree of Christ’s Cross stood and grew there.”[107]

1422. “The grave of Godfrey de Bouillon is in the Georgian chapel.”[108]

1436–1440. The Georgians in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre are mentioned seventh by George Pfintzing.[109]

1440. Hans and Peter Rot:[110]

“The Mary Magdalene chapel (in the church of the Holy Sepulchre) belongs to the Cursy.”[111]

1451. Hieromonach Varsonofi:[112]

“The Monastery of the Cross belongs to the Iberians.”[113]

1461. Louis de Rochechouart:[114]

“The Georgians have their own alphabet. They own the Altar below Golgotha and the spot where the Cross was found.”[115]

“The beautiful Church of the Holy Cross belongs to the Georgians.”[116]

1461. William the Brave, Landgrave of Thuringia:[117]

“Near the cleft in the earth where the Cross was found, there stands an altar, this is held by the Syrians, and also a chapel below Mount Calvary (Golgotha). Here they practice their errors, almost in accordance with the custom of the Greeks. The same are, as they say, converted by St. George.”[118]

1464. Sebalt Rieter, senior:[119]

“In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre […] first of all the discalced (barefooted) friars own the Holy Tomb and Our Chapel of Our Lady. Also the Jörsy[120] of Persia have St. Helen’ s Chapel, which stands on the spot where the Holy Cross was discovered.”[121]

“The Holy Cross, the Crown, the Spear, and the Nail were discovered in a cleft rock. An altar stands there, which is owned by the Jörste of Persia.”[122]

“The Monastery of the Holy Cross belongs to the Christians from the land of Jhohan; there is also to be found the hand of the Virgin St. Barbara.”[123]

“There are various kinds of Christians in the Temple of the Holy Sepulchre; the Catholics, the Greeks, the Christians of the lands of Jhohan and Jevduny (?), the Armenians, the Christians of the Cincture, and three other kinds, of which I forget the names.”[124]

1465‒1466. A certain Vasili:[125]

“The Iberian monastery of St. Nicholas; here the tree for the Cross was felled. In this church is the hand of the holy martyr St. Barbara.”[126]

“In the large church by the Holy Sepulchre the services are held by the Greeks, the Iberians, the Serbs, the Franks, the Syrians, the Jacobites, the Melchites, the Copts, and the Nestorians.”[127]

1479. Sebaldt Rieter, junior:[128]

“In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre are the discalced (barefooted) friars, the Greeks, and the Georgittes, also known as the Jörsy. They possess the Holy Mount Calvary as well as the chapel of our Beloved Lady below Mount Calvary.”[129]

1479 ‒ 1480. John Tuchern of Nürnberg:[130]

“In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the Jörsy own the spot where the Holy Cross was discovered. They possess Mount Calvary, which was not given to them until 1475. They also own the chapel below Mount Calvary, where the cleft went right through the rock. The chapel is named after Our Lady and St. John the Evangelist.”[131]

1480‒1483. Felix Fabri:[132]

“The Georgians, who are also called Nubians and are most generally known as Christians of the Cincture, come from parts very far distant from the Holy Land, and are warriors, who train even their women to fight. They are Christians, but tainted throughout with the same errors as the Greeks.”[133]

“The Holy Sepulchre has, in a manner of speaking, three entrances […] the second is that which leads from the little court into the first cave in the monument itself. This door is closed by a gate and fastened with locks; the keys of this door are now in the possession of the Latin Minorite brethren; but a few years ago the Georgians had them.”[134]

“The Monastery of the Holy Cross belongs to the Georgian monks […] they also brought to us an arm of St. Barbara, which we kissed.”[135]

“They have not had this holy place long (Mount Calvary), but only for the last fifteen years; for they offered presents to the King of Egypt, the Soldan, who turned out the Armenians from it and put in the Georgians in their stead. They also own the place and cave of the Invention of the Holy Cross, […] they also own the chapel beneath Mount Calvary, wherein the Latin Kings of Jerusalem were buried.”[136]

1483. Johann, Count of Solm:[137]

“There is yet another people far from Jerusalem, whose kingdom stretches as far the Caspian Mountains. They are a valiant, powerful race. These people have knights and many warriors in case of war, and are therefore much feared by their neighbors, the Saracens, Persians, Medians, and Assyrians. Although this nation is surrounded by unbelievers, it does not fear them; on the contrary the neighboring races take care to avoid molesting them. They are called Georgians after St. George, whom they have chosen as their patron. Many of them live in Jerusalem and own many holy places, in particular, Mount Calvary and the cleft where the Cross stood. Here they have an altar and one of their number is always locked in to guard the place. They further possess the Church of the Angels,[138] which stands on the site of the house of Annas the Bishop. Like the Greeks, the Georgians are schismatic. With raised banners they travel to Jerusalem, enter the city and go hence without paying tribute. The Saracens dare not molest them, for fear that on returning to their native land, the Georgians would be revenged on their Saracen neighbors. The noble ladies of Georgia also join in warfare, using arms like the Amazons. In the holy laws and scriptures, they use the Greek language; otherwise the Saracen or Chaldean.”[139]

1483‒1484. Hans Werli von Zimber:[140]

“In the Temple (Holy Sepulchre) there are many and varied Christians, of diverse tongues, different faiths and divided sects […] There are the Greeks, the Jacobites, the Georgits, the Indians, the Abyssinians, the Nubians, the Armenians, and the Romans or Latins.”[141]

1484. Count Philip Ludwig of Hanau-Münzenberg:[142]

“On Mount Calvary where the Holy Cross stood a cleft appeared in the rock, stands the beautiful chapel belonging to the Corssen.”[143]

“The Church of the Holy Cross belongs to the Kerchen;[144] here one may see the hand of St. Barbara.”[145]

1490. Jehan de Cucharmoys:[146]

“In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre are seven different sects: first, the Latins who have the Holy Tomb, then the Georgians who own Golgotha, also the Christians of the Cincture, the Indians, the Jacobites, the Greeks and the Armenians.”[147]

1493. Heinrich von Sedlitz:[148]

“The House of Annas, there is the church, it is owned by the Kirchen.[149]

A church, which stands between Jerusalem and the House of Zacharias[150] the one where the tree of the Cross grew, is owned by the Kirchen.”[151]

“The Kirchen are also on Mount Calvary.[152]

1494. “The Jorsii, also called the Georgittes, own the spot where the Cross was found, also the Holy Mount Calvary, as well as the chapel below Mount Calvary (Golgotha). This chapel is named after Our Lady and St. John.”[153]

“The Gurians own the chapel of St. Helena; therein they have their dwellings and celebrate their Masses.”[154]

1493‒1499. Daniel, Metropolitan of Ephesos:[155]

“The Iberians have built a small chapel on Golgotha.”[156]

“We also visited the Monastery of the Cross, which belongs to the Iberians.[157]

1498. The Duke of Saxony, Henry the Pious:[158]

“There are seven different sects in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre: first of all, those of our Faith (that is, the Latins), then the Jorsii, also known as Georgittes, who own the spot where the Holy Cross was found and also the Mount of Calvary, which was given to them recently.”[159]

1496‒1499. Cavalier Arnold von Harff:[160]

“Below the mountain lies Golgotha where the skull of Adam was discovered. This chapel belongs to the Georgian Christians.”[161]

“Georgytes or Jorsy, the Georgians, own the chapel where the Holy Cross was discovered, also Mount Calvary and the chapel below Mount Calvary named after Our Lady and St. John.”[162]

“There are seven sects of Christians in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre: the Franciscans, Greeks, Georgytes or Jorsy, Jacobites, Indians, Syrians and Armenians.”[163]

“In the Monastery of the Holy Cross dwell the Greek monks known as the Coleuri.”[164]

Second half of the 15th century.

“Golgotha belongs to the Georgian Orthodox Christians.”[165]

15th century:

Francesco Suriano, probably 1485:[166]

“In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre: 1. Fati (Franciscans), 2. Maroniti, catholici et orthodoxi, 3. Greci, 4, Gorziani (Iveri), Abassini, Copti, Jacobiti, Syriani, Armeni, Nestoriani.[167]

“The Georgians, or the Iberians, in Jerusalem live in the Church of St. John the Evangelist, in the Monastery of St. George and in the galleries of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.[168]

“The very beautiful Monastery of the Cross, occupied by the Georgians.”[169]

“Until lately the Zorgians had the Church of Simeon the Prophet; at the present time (al presenta anno, in this year) they have left it.”[170]

End of the 15th century:

In the Holy Sepulchre there are also: 1. The Latins, who are the pious brethren from Mount Zion; 2. the Greeks; 3. the Georgians; 4. the Armenians; 5. the Jacobites, the Syrians, the Maronites, the Nestorians and Abyssinians.”[171]

Beginning of the 16th century:

“Golgotha belongs to the Georgians, they are Orthodox Christians.”[172]

“Below Golgotha is a beautiful church. There, over the altar hang eight lamps, and behind the altar, twelve lamps. This church also belongs to the Georgians.”[173]

1507 (24th of November). Martin Baumgarten:[174]

“The Georgians are a people of the East, a very stout and warlike nation, so-called from a Georgian saint whom they own as their patron and protector, paying him most profound reverence. They say their dominions reach as far as the Caspian Mountains. This people, though encompassed by Saracens […] as often as they wish to go to Jerusalem, they always march in order of battle, with flying colors, paying neither toll nor tribute, and so enter the city. The women of quality do use and bear arms, after the manner of the Amazons. They agree with the Greek Church in all the material points of faith. The men never cut their hair, nor shave their beards. Their clergy wear round caps, the laics foursquare ones. In the Temple (Holy Sepulchre) they have the chapel of the Invention of the Cross, and have the same, too, upon Mount Calvary and in several other places. They say Mass in the Greek tongue but in all other affairs they speak the language of the Saracens.”[175]

“Lacini, Suriani, Georgiani, Jacobici, Ethiopi, Armeni.” (These nationalities are represented in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre).[176]

1507. Georgii prioris Gemnicensis Ord. cart.:

“The Georgians possess in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the Chapel of the Invention of the Cross, also Mount Calvary; furthermore, on Mount Sion, the Church of the Holy Angels, which is situated on the site of the House of the High Priest Annas. The Georgians use the Greek language for their mass; for ordinary parlance they use the Saracen or Chaldean languages.”[177]

1507. Duke Frederick II von Liegnitz und Brieg:[178]

“The Jorschittes own Mount Calvary; there is a beautiful chapel there.”[179]

“Everyone can freely approach Mount Calvary, on its slopes and on the summit are many dwellings of the Jorschittes.”[180]

In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre are the following Christians to be found: “Barefooted friars and Greeks. The Jorschittes or Georgittes hold the third place in the ownership of the place of the Invention of the Holy Cross, also Mount Calvary; this mountain came into their possession for the first time[181] in the year 1475. Furthermore, the chapel below Mount Calvary (Chapel of Our Lady and St. John the Evangelist) belongs to them.”[182]

“Thereafter we came to a beautiful monastery, called the Church of the Holy Cross, here grew the tree, the trunk of which was used for the Cross, furthermore, here one is shown the hand of St. Barbara. We saw the Bells here, the only ones in the whole land. The priests of this monastery are of the faith of St. Paul.”[183]

1517. “Holy Golgotha, where Christ was crucified, is situated on a rock. Here are two churches, one on the summit, the other below. Above is the spot where Our Lord was crucified, and below, the place where Adam was buried.[184] These two churches belong to the Georgians.”[185]

“Outside Jerusalem is the Monastery of the Holy Cross; the monastery is beautiful and large, and possesses many cells. It belongs to the Georgians.”[186]

1519. Jan Want:[187]

“There are several different Christian communities in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre: Latins, Greeks, Surians, Armenians, Nestorians, Jacobites, Georgians and Indians. There are many Georgians in Jerusalem; they own numerous Holy Places, in particular, Mount Calvary with the spot where the Cross stood. The church on the site of Annas’ House belongs to them (also).”[188]

1521. “The Corsy possess Mount Calvary.”[189]

“In the Monastery of the Holy Cross live various Christians called Gophty.”[190]

1523. Philip von Hagen:[191]

“The Monastery of the Holy Cross belongs to the Jorgans who are good Christians.”[192]

1542. Nikolaos Anagnostis:

“On the spot where stood Our Lady and St. John the Apostle gazing upon the Crucified One, the Georgians celebrate their Mass.[193]

1550. Count Rheinhard von Hanau-Münzenberg:[194]

“In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre are found: Latini, Greci, Suriani, Abassini, Kopfti, Gorziani, and Armeni.”[195]

1558‒1561. The Merchant, Vasili Pozniakov:[196]

“Golgotha belongs to the Iberian Christians; they are Orthodox. Igumen and Treasurer Galel (other versions: Galeil, Galiel) of the Iberians tends the Lamps.”[197]

“Over the tomb of Christ burn forty three lamps. Only the Treasurer of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre Galel may replenish their oil.”[198]

1559. “The Georgians were forced by the Turkish Government to sell the Monastery della Colonna (the Monastery of St. John the Theologian or Salvator is meant by this) to the Franciscans.[199]

1561. Jacob Wormbser:[200]

“Nine Christian nations are represented in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre: Barefooted friars, Greeks, Nestorians, Copts or Jacobites, Suriani, Armenians, Georgians who have their chapel on Mount Calvary, and Maronites.”[201]

1562. Albrecht, Count of Loewenstein:[202]

“There are nine nations in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre:

Barefooted friars, Greeks, Gorgi who possess the spot where the Holy Cross and the two other crosses stood, called locus Calvaria, Abyssinians, Jacobites or Suriani, Gophty, Nestorians, Armenians and Maronites. Two of these nations acknowledge the Pope, namely, the Latins and the Nestorians;[203] the others, to the contrary, are independent.”[204]

1489‒1571. Spanish Franciscan:

“Around the Church of the Holy Sepulchre live the representatives of all the Christian nations, who have their special places and their lamps here. First come the friars of St. Francis, second the Greeks, third the Syrians, fourth the Jacobites, and fifth the Georgians.[205]

“We were able to see the house where John the Evangelist was born, and where the Church of the Georgians is now. Here one sees the gate of iron, formerly set in the old wall within the city, through which St. Peter passed when he was released from prison.”[206]

1573. Leonhard Reuchwolfen:[207]

“By the wonderful town of Trapezund[208] on the Euxin Sea[209] the country of the Georgians begins, and stretches towards the East as far as Armenia. They are kind, simple, but nevertheless powerful and grave warriors. Among their saints, they venerate above all others the knight St. George, whom they look upon as their patron and protector in time of war, and therefore they call themselves after his name. Their merchants often come with large caravans to Aleppo […] they have, like others, their Patriarchs and their Bishops, who, although already in conflict with each other on several points, still follow the errors and the doctrines of the Greeks. They have in Jerusalem their own places where they sing and hold their services, in particular, among others, in the Church of Mount Calvary and at the place near the Tomb of Our Lord Jesus Christ where He first appeared to Mary Magdalene in the guise of a gardener after His Resurrection.”[210]

“The Jacobites, also known as Gosty, have the church close to the Georgian chapel.”[211]

1583. Nic. Christ. Radziwiłł:[212]

“On Mount Calvary are two large altars and on the left some smaller ones; the Holy Places belong to the Georgians, who dwell by the Black Sea.”[213]

“The Monastery of the Holy Cross, called by the Greeks ‘the Archangel belongs to the Georgians; here is the seat of their bishop.”[214]

1584. The merchant, Tryphon Korobeynikov:[215]

“In Jerusalem live the following Christians: Greeks, Syrians, Serbs, Iberians, Russians, Arabs, and Italians (probably Latins).”[216]

“To the Iberian monk on Golgotha, at the seat of the Iberian Bishop Epiphanios, we gave a hundred gold pieces.”[217]

1586. “On Golgotha are two altars, and there the Georgians celebrate their Masses.”[218]

“The Sepulchre of Our Lady, a marble stairway of fifty steps leads downwards, and on the last step is the altar of the Georgians. It is somewhat smaller than that of the Greeks.”[219]

“The Monastery of the Holy Cross, which has always belonged to the Georgians, was built by them. There are three hundred and five beautiful cells and twelve chapels. Who could build such chapels nowadays?”[220]

“On the east side of Jerusalem stand the Gates of Damascus […] beyond these gates, by the field of Agrippa, is the cemetery where the Georgians bury their dead.”[221]

1593‒1594. Tryphon Korobeynikow:

“On Golgotha we gave to the Georgian Monks three gold pieces and to each of the monks of the Patriarch, who work for the Georgians, two gold pieces.”[222]

The end of the 16th century.

“Golgotha belongs to the Iberians.”[223]

“The Iberian Monastery of the Holy Cross with three hundred and sixty five cells.”[224]

1602‒1603. Martinus Seusenius:[225]

“The Chapel Carceris Christi belongs to the Georgians.”[226]

“Mount Calvary: this chapel is the most beautiful of all and belongs to the Georgians; they have fifty lamps burning there, and also allow the Latins to say their Masses in this place.”[227]

“The Chapels of the Syrians, Gophyts, Armenians, Jacobites, Abyssinians and Georgians.[228]

“The Monastery of the Holy Cross belongs to the Georgians.[229]

“In Jerusalem live many Georgians they possess Mount Calvary and the chapel where the Cross of Christ stood therein is an altar, one of their number is always locked in to keep watch. To them belongs also the Church of the Holy Angels that stands on the site of the house of the High Priest Annas. These Georgians follow the Greek ceremonies. Whenever they come to Jerusalem to visit the Holy Places, they enter with flags flying and they pay no toll. Their Masses are said in Greek.”[230]

1608‒1634. “When the Patriarch goes out, they go with him; each of them goes to visit his own people, and brings them the sacred fire. So also does one of the Iberians.”[231]

“The Monastery of the Holy Cross belongs to the Iberians.”[232]

1613. Hans Jacob Aman, citizen of Zürich:[233]

“We came upon a monastery and a church standing in a valley occupied by Greek monks […] the monastery is that of the Holy Cross.”[234]

1615. Le pélerin véritable de la Terre Sainte:

“The beautiful Monastery of the Georgian monks, which is called the Monastery of the Holy Cross.”[235]

“The graves of the western kings of Palestine, Godefroid de Bouillon and his brother Bauduin[236] are to be found in the Georgian chapel of St. John the Evangelist.”[237]

“The Georgians hold their services in the Greek language; customarily, they use the Chaldean, Arabic, and Persian languages.”[238]

“The church and monastery of St. Jacob belong to the Armenians, although in olden days a Spanish king[239] built them for the pilgrims of his country.”[240]

Beginning of the 17th century.

“The Monastery of the Cross belongs to the Georgians.[241]

1634. Vasili Gagara:[242]

“In the monastery of the Invention of the Holy Cross live the Georgian monks.”[243]

1646. Christolph Fürers von Haimendorff: [244]

“The Georgian monks own Mount Calvary; they follow the Greeks in their customs; like the Greek monks they wear dark grey gowns, black cloaks, and black cowls on their heads.”[245]

1651. Gabriel, Archbishop of Nazareth:[246]

“In the Holy City of Jerusalem there are many monasteries and churches, among them is the other church of St. Nicholas; and there live the Georgian monks.”[247]

“Outside Jerusalem is a spot called Kaloni where Lot planted three trees. There stands the Georgian monastery. The Georgian monks are very pious, they themselves labor in the fields and vineyards, receiving all strangers and ministering unto them.”[248]

1651. Deacon Iona: [249]

“The St. Nicholas Monastery, the Georgian Metochion.”[250]

“The Monastery of the Cross; therein live the Georgian monks.”[251]

1649‒1653. Arseni Sukhanov: [252]

“The Chapel of Our Lady (in the Holy Sepulchre). Christ was imprisoned here. This chapel now belongs to the Greeks, but it was once owned by the Georgians.”[253]

“The chapel where the Cross of Christ was found. It used to belong to the Iberians, but now the place where the Cross of Christ lay belongs to the Greeks and other half to the Franciscans.”[254]

“In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre on Easter Monday the festival service was held. The Metropolitans of Nazareth, Bethlehem, Transjordania, Chebron, the Serbian Metropolitan from Dubenica and the Georgian Metropolitan took part in the celebration.”[255]

1688.“The Monastery of the Holy Cross belongs to the schismatic Christians called the Georgians.”[256]

1700. Henricus Maundrell:[257]

“In the galleries (of the Holy Sepulchre) around the church, as in the smaller buildings, there used to be rooms where pilgrims and monks used to stay. And here the greater part of the Christian nations supported small groups of monks. Each group had its own quarters as assigned to it by the Turks […] the Latins, Greeks, Syrians, Armenians, Abyssinians, Georgians, Nestorians, Copts, Maronites, etc. So one sees that formerly they all had their allotted places in the church. But, due to the greed and exigencies of the Turks, they could not afford the expense of these quarters and all but four of them gave them up. Now only the Latins, Greeks, Armenians and Copts are there.”[258]

1717. Franz Ferdinand of Troilo:[259]

“In Jerusalem live some of the Georgians; they have houses and churches wherein they hold their services.”[260]

1726. Wasil Grigorovich Barski:[261]

“The 6th of November 1726. We visited the monastery of the Holy Cross, which was built by the Iberian King Tatian […] the monastery is very old. […] there are two hundred and twenty cells in the monastery. One enters the monastery by three portals: two are of iron and one of wood. In the church are paintings of Iberian kings. Under these pictures are many inscriptions; they much resemble the Slavonic ones, none of us could decipher them.[262] On the floor are still to be seen the bloodstains of the monks who were massacred by the Ethiopians. After the service we were treated and served better than in the monastery of the Patriarch in Jerusalem.”[263]

1744. “In the Monastery of the Cross live a few Georgians.”[264]

1749. Serapion, a monk from the Monastery of St. Matrona:[265]

“The Monastery of St. Jacob is much richer than the Catholic or Greek churches in Jerusalem, the monastery now belong to the Armenians, but before, it belonged to the Georgians. The Armenians bought this monastery from the Turkish Sultan.”[266]

Description of the Monastery of the Cross: “At present there are no Georgians there. This monastery used to belong to the Georgians because the icons and the inscriptions below them are Georgian; furthermore there are many Georgian books there. The monastery is now held by the Greeks.”[267]

1771. Dr Richard Pococke:[268]

“The Monastery of the Holy Cross, which belongs to the Greeks possesses a fine old church.” [269]

1820. John Martin Augustin Scholz:[270]

“Scholz saw, approximately, in the year 1820, four hundred Georgian MSS. in the Monastery of the Cross.”[271]

1841. “In 1841, the Abbot of the Monastery of the Cross was Archimandrite Gerasimos from Georgia. After being Abbot for three years he relinquished his ecclesiastical position. This occurred in the year 1845.”[272]

1846. Constantin von Tischendorf:[273]

In the Monastery of the Cross. “What I found in the way of Greek or Georgian parchment MSS., I was allowed to keep as a memento. Here live four Georgian monks and an aged serving woman; the latter was at once ordered to set a pipe and a cup of coffee before the visitor, a very early one, too.”[274]

1847. “The kinswoman of the much-praised Georgian king, Heraklius,[275] the Princess T’amar, came from Georgia to pray at the Holy Places.”[276]

1858. Archimandrite Leonid:[277]

“At the very peak of their prime, the Georgians owned eleven Holy Places in the Holy Land. The Monastery of the Cross belonged to the Georgians till the end of the 17th century. This monastery had five churches and two hundred and twenty cells, there still remain Georgian fresco paintings of the Georgian kings, the guardians of this monastery. In one part of the church I myself saw, in the year 1858, piles of MSS. left unprotected from the ravages of damp, worms and scorpions; among these, I discovered two Slavonic MSS.[278]The Monastery of St. Nicholas in Jerusalem belonged to them (the Georgians). In the wall of the church facing towards the garden of the Patriarchs, there are still some tombstones with Georgian epitaphs.”[279]

1862. Abraham von Noroff:[280]

“The Monastery of the Cross was founded by St. Helena, and has always belonged to the Gruzinian (i.e. Georgian) Order of St. Basil.”[281]

Part II

Results of Research into Pilgrim Literature for Facts Bearing on Georgiaand the Georgian Monks in Palestine

VARIETY OF NAMES BY WHICH GEORGIA AND THE GEORGIANS WERE KNOWN TO THE PILGRIMS

The greatest difficulty for the correct identification of the Georgian monasteries in Palestine is presented by the fact that the pilgrims gave various different names to the Georgians and their country. This may perhaps be explained by the fact that Georgia was a great distance from Palestine, and the pilgrims, knowing of Georgia only by hearsay, found it difficult to differentiate between various Georgian tribal names. It is far from easy, therefore, to avoid confusion in research concerning the Georgian colonies of monks in Palestine.[282]

The Georgians in Jerusalem made no attempt to impart the knowledge of their country’ s history and culture to every foreigner, as did, for instance, the Armenians. Furthermore, it must be borne in mind that the authors of Pilgrim Literature were, with few exceptions, rather uneducated persons who were for the most part excessively zealous Catholics. To men such as these, the Georgians were the worst kind of schismatics, and, in any case, these pilgrims only repeated what they had been told by the Franciscans.[283]

Georgia and the Georgians are called by the pilgrims, as shown in the preceding excerpts, by a diversity of names, such as: Ibérians, Lazes, Gogarenes, Jorjans, Cursy, Avignia,[284] Land of Femenic,[285] Jörsy, Jörsites, Georgittes, Georgiani, Jorgani, Gorgi, “of the Jorian,”[286] Kurgy, Corsy, the Christians of the land of John,[287] the Christians of the Cincture,[288] Gorsses, Kerches, Kirchens, Gorgotas,[289] Gorziani, Jordiani,[290] Gregorians,[291] Gruzines.

Sometimes one and the same author will give the Georgians various names: Jorschites or Georgittes, Jörsies or Georgyttes, Jörsies or Jörsties of Persia,[292] “The Georgians, who are also called Nubians, and who are most generally known as the Christians of the Cincture […] Gregorians” (Georgians); Georgyts or Jörsies; Jheoriani;[293] Gorziani (eo vero Iveri) or Georgiani; Zorgiani;[294] Iberians or Georgians; Jorsies or Georgittes; Gurians.[295]

THE PILGRIMS’ DERIVATION OF THE NAME “GEORGIA”

It is naturally impossible to accept all the statements made by the pilgrims concerning Georgia without careful investigation and criticism, but those notes that have been verified are of great importance for the history of Georgian culture. First of all, the etymology of the word “Georgia” is of extreme interest to the pilgrims. Some deduce the name of the country from St. George, the patron saint of the Georgians: “This nation reveres St. George above all other saints; he is depicted on all their banners, and they venerate him with a particular form of worship”.[296] According to others, the Georgians were converted by St. George and therefore bear his name;[297] this saint is, possibly, a Georgian by birth;[298] they are called Georgians because they follow the belief of “the Knight Georgius”[299] or, rather, of a certain heretic called George.[300] Franz Ferdinand of Troilo (1717) goes carefully into this etymological question. He discovered that the country was already called Georgia before the birth of St. George, and traces the word ‘Georgia’ to the Greek γεwργόj, meaning ‘agriculturist’.[301]

THE STATUS OF GEORGIANS IN PALESTINE

An attempt has been made to write a short account of the history of the Georgians in Palestine based on the descriptions of the Pilgrims. Worthy of mention, apart from the works of Professor Cagareli, which are chiefly compiled from Georgian sources, is Les Géorgiens à Jérusalem[302] by the Assumptionist R. Janin, a work of first rank. Unfortunately, though, it is written from the Catholic point of view and therefore shows bias. Consequently, the historical facts so well amassed here, are distorted; and of all the pilgrims, it is only those of the Catholic faith who are quoted.[303]

As far as I know, there are no other monographs in European literature concerning the Georgian monasteries in Palestine. Short references to the Georgian colonies of monks are to be found in the various monographs published on Palestine. Probably the most important of these is The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, 1099‒1291.[304] According to this monograph, we find that the Georgians possessed, during the rule of the Crusaders, the following monasteries in Palestine:

1. The Monastery of the Cross near Jerusalem.[305]

2. Quarantana near Jericho.[306]

3. A Georgian (Iberian) monastery on the banks of the Jordan. This was unfortunately washed away in 1185.[307]

4. The Monastery of St. Chrysostom, south of Jericho (now Tell el Kursi).[308]

5. Furthermore, the Georgians, together with the Greeks lived in the monastery of St. John the Baptist; and, together with the Latins, in the monastery of Kalamon.[309]

According to another writer in the period 1653‒1656,[310] “Out of reverence for the Holy Place many of these live in Jerusalem, and make annual pilgrimages in large numbers through the Turkish kingdom with crosses and banners. No Turk dared molest them or demand a toll. They are feared by the Turks as they are the manliest and strongest warriors.”

This Georgian grandeur of which so much was written in the middle of the 17th century, gradually faded, and descriptions of Palestine, written in the present day, bring only a sad reminder of the glories that have vanished.

“Georgians once played an important role in Jerusalem, where they owned twelve churches and monasteries[311]; at present their church is but poorly represented. During the many wars with the Persians, Turks, and Caucasians, the power of Georgia began to decline; the Greeks and Armenians, therefore, possessed themselves of the formerly wealthy churches and monasteries, and left the Georgians with only the monastery of Deir-el Musselabeh. This stands outside the town on the road to Jaffa, and only shelters a few monks, who live there subordinate to an archimandrite. The library of this monastery contains many Georgian, Armenian and Arabic Mss.”[312]

“The church of Georgia in Jerusalem” writes Carl Ritter, is at present only represented by one monastery and a few pilgrims, despite which the Georgians still hold pride of place because of their great antiquity and former importance. At the height of their power, the Georgians owned the twelve richest and most important monasteries and churches in Jerusalem, and when Turkey regained supremacy, theirs were the only pilgrimages to continue.[313] The Georgians also own the Monastery of the Cross. Manuscripts and fragments of manuscripts lie about on the floors of the cells.[314] The beautiful church and the Monastery of St. Jacob were formerly the property of the Georgians. As they were too poor to pay the Mussulmans the money they were extorting from them as the price of their ownership, they ceded both church and monastery to the Armenians. They also gave up to them the little church in the House of Caiaphas on Mount Sion (probably at about the beginning of the 16th century) but retained their claim to all these buildings. The church was erected in the 11th century. The archives of this ancient monastery still remain unknown.”[315]

THE GEORGIAN MONASTERIES AND MONKS IN PALESTINE UP TO THE 10th CENTURY

The history of the Holy City of Jerusalem and of the whole of Palestine from the Christian era till the 10th century falls into three important sections: Roman, Byzantine, and finally, Arabic-Muhammadan. The Greeks consider the Emperor Constantine and his mother Helena to be the founders of nearly all the monasteries and churches in Jerusalem. The actual history of the origin of the many monasteries and churches in Palestine, however, is somewhat different, but unfortunately, it remains shrouded in mystery. The excavations in Palestine are still only in the first stage. Through important discoveries in the literary sphere, particularly those of Professors Marr[316] and Kekelidze,[317] we have recently become better informed concerning the sundry pages, which deal with the history of Christian Palestine and with its liturgy.

It is no mere chance that Georgia, in particular, should have preserved these priceless treasures of the past. For the history of Georgian culture is closely bound with the history of Christian Palestine and it is impossible to write the history of Christian Palestine without making use of the Georgian sources. How many more of these priceless documents still lie hidden in Georgian museums?

Anyone desiring to write a history of Georgian monasteries in Palestine up to the 10th century, will encounter, apart from lack of information, two difficulties.

First, during that era there were not so many marked differences among the various nations, as are to be found today, whilst, secondly, there was no religious fanaticism, as the whole of Christianity (not taking into consideration the small section of Monophysites and Nestorians), consisted of one big religious family, which spread as far as the Caucasus in Georgia. Until the 10th century, pious pilgrims were quite contented and derived much religious edification if they were able to worship in peace and freedom at the Holy Places and it did not trouble them whether these were owned by Greeks or Romans, or Orthodox Georgians, or Syrians, or Orthodox Armenians. Besides, the geographical knowledge of many of the pilgrims was very limited.

The deadly poison of national and religious fanaticism was brought to the East by the Crusaders. It is not until after the 10th century that we began to differentiate between the various Christian nations, to recognize approvingly their adherence to the “right” church, or disapprovingly censure their non-adherence to it.

The oldest report about the Georgian monasteries in Palestine occurs in the middle of the 5th century, Peter the Iberian, Bishop of Mayuma, built “above the church of Sion, near the so called Tower of David, the monastery of the Iberians.”[318] This is now St. Jacob’ s Monastery, the residence of the Armenian Patriarch. According to the Georgian sources, Peter the Iberian is also supposed to have built a hostel for the Georgian pilgrims in Jerusalem.[319] At that time the number of Georgian monks and pilgrims was so great that the Georgians probably had their own cemetery in Jerusalem. The discovery of the gravestone of a Georgian bishop (Samuel?) seems to indicate the fact that the Georgian community in Jerusalem had their own bishop.[320] According to the Testament of St. Sabba, in the 6th century, we see that the Georgians had their own church in the monastery in the Kedron gorge.[321] Furthermore, we know that Emperor Justinian, in approximately the year 560, restored a church of the Iberians in Jerusalem (probably St. Jacob’ s, built by Peter the Iberian) and a church of the Laz[322] in the desert of Jerusalem.[323]

From an Armenian pilgrim in the 7th century we learn of the monastery of the Gogarenes[324] and the Georgian monastery of St. John near the Gate of the Resurrection.[325] In the 9th century we find two very important accounts, which tell us that in the year 808 four Georgian monks dwelt on the Mount of Olives and that a Georgian hermit was living in Gethsemane.[326]

THE GEORGIAN MONASTERIES IN PALESTINE UNDER LATIN RULE

From the 15th of July 1099 until the 5th of July 1187, the Holy Land belonged to the Western nations. During this epoch one finds a few more references to the Georgian monks and their monasteries. At the time of the Crusaders the following monasteries belonged to the Georgians: the Iberian Monastery in Jerusalem, the Monastery of St. John the Evangelist, also in Jerusalem, and possibly the Monastery of the Cross. The La (Western Georgians) owned a monastery in the desert of Jerusalem and Georgian monks were to be seen in Gethsemane, on the Mount of Olives and in the Monastery of St. Sabba.[327] We learn that the Georgians received a part of Golgotha from the Byzantine Emperor in 1050.[328] The Georgian king, Bagrat Kuropalat, appointed a Georgian bishop on Golgotha.

Such was the state of affairs when the Crusaders conquered Palestine. During the rule of the Crusaders we hear of a new Georgian convent in Jerusalem (in 1108);[329] furthermore, we read that in 1178 the vineyards of the Georgian monastery were confiscated by the Jerusalemite King Baldwin IV (1173‒1185) in favor of the Latin chapter in the Holy Sepulchre.[330] The united Muhammadan peoples, six hundred thousand in number, made war on the Georgian King, David, during 1121‒1122. King David only had at his disposition eighty thousand warriors. The object of the Muhammadans was to put the Georgian king entirely out of action, in order to be free to slaughter all the Christians in Palestine and Antioch. They were, however, vanquished by the Georgian king.[331] The Latin chronicles speak enthusiastically of his might and describe Georgia as the bulwark of Christian Culture (antemurale).[332] King David has become an almost legendary figure. Possibly he is that warrior who became a monk and received the name of John and because of whom Georgians were called till long after, the “Christians of the Land of John the Priest”.

At the time of the Latin Rule, the Georgian monasteries in Jerusalem were in their prime. Latin rulers had no cause to spoil their relations with such a powerful ally as the Georgians. In the years 1207‒1208, one hears of an important document relating to the power of the Georgians and its significance to the Crusaders. [333]

THE GEORGIAN MONASTERIES IN PALESTINE FROM THE TWELFTH UNTIL THE MIDDLE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

The true successors of the Crusaders in Palestine were the Georgians. As early as the year 1180, when Jerusalem still belonged to the Latins, one learns from the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, Jacques de Vitry, that after the conquest of the Latins near Damietta, the Damascenian prince, Corradinus, had planned to tear down the Wall of Jerusalem without having asked for the permission of the Georgians, for which he was severely punished by them. This clearly shows that the Georgians, even during Latin rule, exercised a sort of protection over Jerusalem.[334]

When Saladin conquered the Latins in 1187, and drove them from Palestine, the Queen of Georgia[335] sent an ambassador to the victor. His mission had a double purpose, one being to suggest that the Georgians should bear the cost of restoring the damaged sanctuaries, the other to obtain a few privileges for the monasteries and the churches.[336] From this it may be concluded that the Georgians desired not only to protect their own monasteries but also the Latin ones as well. Saladin granted their request, and this was followed by an attempt by the Georgians to gain possession of the sacred relic of the Cross, which had been taken by Saladin as a trophy of battle. They offered him two hundred thousand gold pieces,[337] but Saladin declined to return the valuable relic possibly he considered the amount too little.

Saladin gave the Georgians the Monastery of St. Nicholas,[338] and also various privileges. In the years 1207‒1208, the news spread amongst the remaining Crusaders in Antioch that the Georgians were advancing with a large army against the Unbelievers and that they had already taken three hundred forts and nine big towns.[339] In 1299, the Georgians allied themselves with Ghazan, the Chan of Mongolia,[340] against the Egyptian Mamelukes, who were then rulers in the Holy Land. After their victory, Ghazan presented Jerusalem to the Georgians. It is not known how long the Georgian rule lasted. In 1305, one hears of a Georgian embassy;[341] evidently, Georgian government had come to an end by then.[342]

The Egyptian Mamelukes, whose power in the Holy Land only lasted until the Turkish Conquest (1527), made large grants to the Georgian monasteries. For these Mamelukes originated from Caucasia, and side by side with Muhammadan-Caucasian mountain-dwellers were many real Georgians. The latter were, of course, Muhammadan, yet remained true Georgian patriots at heart.[343]

During the rule of the Egyptian Mamelukes, Georgian influence in Palestine reached its peak.

The gradual downfall of the Georgians in Palestine begins with the inception of Turkish rule. As early as 1551, the Georgians found themselves powerless to defend their rights to the Monastery of St. John the Theologian against the Franciscans, to whom they were forced to yield possession.

There were many causes for this downfall. The political decline of Georgian power and the division of the kingdom of Georgia into three independent kingdoms and four principalities, did much to weaken their influence.[344] Together with the political decline came the impoverishment of the land. The Georgians could not afford to pay the Turks further taxes for their monasteries. In addition to these taxes, there were the bribes extorted by the Turkish officials, and here the Georgians could not compete with either the Greeks, Armenians, or the Latins. The corrupt officials received huge sums as bribes, and those who paid most were favoured accordingly. It was at this time that the Georgians attempted to emancipate themselves from the shackles of the East, and sought support and alliance with the Russians, who were of the same Orthodox faith as themselves. The Turks were fully aware of this Georgian policy, and showed their fury by persecuting the Georgian monks in Palestine. One more fact must be taken into consideration and regarded as yet another reason for the decline of Georgian power in Palestine: the new position of the Greeks as Turkish subjects in Palestine.

During the Egyptian rule, the Greeks had been treated as foreigners in Palestine and no official status had been accorded them. The representative of the native Christians in Palestine, an Arab, sat on the patriarchal throne of Jerusalem. But with the coming of the Turks, the authority of the Ecumenical Greek Patriarch was enforced in Palestine and the Phanariots also gained privileges and influence in Jerusalem.

The organization of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem fell into Greek hands. Naturally the Greeks did not want another Orthodox influence to compete with their own, so they made an unauthorized attempt to wrest the monasteries from the Georgians by strength and violence. The political state of affairs and the situation in Georgia itself naturally helped their cause, and so began a great and tragic struggle, which lasted until the middle of the 19th century. The important and wealthy religious establishments of the Georgians, with their metochions and lands, gradually began to fall, one after another, into the hands of the Greeks. To lighten this task, and most probably to whitewash themselves, they accused the Georgian monks of heinous crimes.[345]

THE HISTORY OF THE INDIVIDUAL GEORGIAN MONASTERIES IN PALESTINE

The only attempt to write a short historical sketch of the individual Georgian monasteries, based on Pilgrim Literature, was made by Cagareli.[346] I shall not go into detail concerning his important investigation until my whole study is completed. As far as I am concerned, I am endeavoring to give here a short history of the individual Georgian monasteries based on the material before me, namely, the foregoing excerpts.

1. The Georgian Chapels of the Basilica of the Holy Sepulchre

The Georgians played an important part in the Basilica of Christ’ s Sepulchre. In 1347, one reads that the key of the Holy Sepulchre was in the hands of the Georgians, and that anyone who wished to spend the night in the Basilica had to give a small donation to the Georgian guardian. The Georgians kept this key until 1480‒1483.[347]

Golgotha. The holiest sanctuary in the whole of Christendom was, at least part of it, in Georgian hands as early as the year 1050.[348] During Latin rule, it naturally belonged to the Latins. It is assumed that Saladin gave this sanctuary to the Georgians. In 1308, the Georgians, we read, received it from the Egyptian Sultan.[349] In 1366, the Armenians wrested Golgotha from the Georgians[350] and retained possession of it until 1391; that year saw the Georgians again in possession.[351] How long the Georgians asserted themselves after this is uncertain. In 1475, the Armenians relate that the Georgians took Golgotha from them in that year.[352] According to an unpublished MS. in Münich, they are supposed to have been on Mount Golgotha as early as 1474.[353] From that time it belonged to the Georgians continuously until the middle of the 17th century. The latest reference to Georgian rule on Golgotha is to be found, as far as can be discovered, in a work dated 1646.[354] In the years 1050, 1583, and 1584, one reads of Georgian bishops on Mount Golgotha.

The Chapel of Our Lady, also called Carceris Christi, belonged to the Georgians, according to an account written in 1602 and 1603.[355]

The Chapel of Mary Magdalene. This chapel was evidently erected on the spot where Christ appeared to Mary dressed as a gardener. According to Tobler, this chapel belonged to the Georgians in the 16th century,[356] but one reads of Georgians being there as early as 1440 and again in 1573.[357]

The Chapel of the Invention of the Cross. According to Tobler, this chapel belonged to the Georgians at the beginning of the 16th century.[358] Actually it was in their possession in 1370, 1649‒1653. The Georgians undoubtedly owned this chapel, even before 1370.[359] We find them referred to as the owners of this chapel in 1370,[360] 1461,[361] 1464,[362] 1479‒1480,[363] 1480‒1483,[364] 1494,[365] 1498,[366] 1496‒1499,[367] 1507,[368] 1507,[369] 1649‒1653.[370]

St. Helena’ s Chapel. This chapel is connected with the Chapel of the Invention of the Cross and is situated ten steps below the latter.[371] The pilgrims always distinguished it from the Chapel of the Invention of the Cross. It belonged to the Georgians in 1370, 1464, and 1494.[372]

The Chapel at the foot of Mount Calvary, or Golgotha. This chapel is referred to under different names by various different pilgrims. It is called The Chapel below Golgotha (1370, 1391, 1389‒1405); the Chapel below Mount Calvary (1461); the Chapel where Adam was buried (1517)[373]; the Chapel where the Latin kings were buried (1480‒1483); the Chapel of St. John the Evangelist and of the graves of the Latin kings (1615); Our Lady Chapel below Mount Calvary (1479); the Chapel of Our Lady and St. John the Evangelist (1479‒1480, 1494, 1496‒1499, 1507, Frederick II, 1542); the Chapel of St. John the Baptist (1421, beginning of the 16th century). In each and all of the above-mentioned years,[374] we have accounts of this chapel, which invariably describe it as belonging to the Georgians.[375]

The Galleries of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Along the sides of the numerous chapels, the Basilica of the Holy Sepulchre also had galleries, which were used as the living and sleeping quarters of the monks of the different nations, who had their chapels there. It is obvious that as the Georgians owned so many chapels in the Basilica, they had held the key of the Basilica for more than a century, and for a long time held pride of place in Jerusalem, they, too, shared these galleries. However, as these galleries contained nothing of interest or of worship for the pilgrims (apart from the monks’ quarters), little mention is made of them in Pilgrim Literature. All the same, I have found three references. One dates back to the end of the 15th century and is by Francesco Suriano, the second was written in 1507 (Frederick II), and the third speaks of these Georgian dwellings in the Basilica as things of the past. In this year (1700), the Georgians no longer shared these galleries.[376]

2. The Monastery of the Cross

According to a Georgian tradition, the first Georgian king, Mirian,[377] during his pilgrimage to Jerusalem, received from the Emperor Constantine[378] a building-site near the city, and there erected the Monastery of the Cross. This monastery, built in the first half of the 4th century, was afterwards restored in the 11th century (1038) by the Georgian monk Prokhore.[379]

According to Greek tradition, the Empress Helena built a monastery there.[380] This district is known as Kaloni,[381] and is said to be the very spot where Lot sinned and planted three trees by way of atonement. Instead of three, only one beautiful tree grew; it was this tree that furnished the wood for the Cross. The historical sources first mention the monastery in the 12th century. During 1102‒1103 Saewulf discovered that it had been destroyed by the infidels.[382] By the year 1106, it seems to have been re-built,[383] and from this time onwards one hears of Georgian monks residing there.[384] In 1178, the vineyard of this monastery was confiscated by the Crusaders.[385] In 1305, an ambassador from the Georgians was sent to the Sultan of Egypt on behalf of this monastery.[386] Other names for this monastery are: the Monastery of St. Nicholas (1465‒1466); the Monastery of the Holy Archangels (Monasterium S. Archangeli, 1583); and the Monastery of the Invention of the Holy Cross (1634).

In Jerusalem, the Monastery of St. Nicholas possessed it as Metochion.[387] In 1507, a pilgrim saw the bells in the monastery, the only bells in the Holy Land.[388] Amongst other relics (not including the spot whereon the tree of the Cross grew), was the arm of St. Barbara.[389]

This monastery was the center of Georgian culture in Palestine, and the remains of its valuable library, consisting of about a one hundred and sixty four MSS., are still preserved in the Library of the Greek Patriarchate.[390]

Amongst others who lived in this monastery, according to Georgian tradition, was the greatest poet in Georgia (perhaps in the whole world), Shota Rustaveli,[391] who lived there as monk died, and was buried there. The 750th Jubilee of the creation of his great poem, “vep’khis Tqaosani” (“The Man in the Panther’ s Skin”) shall be celebrated this year in Georgia. As one of the last Georgians in this monastery, we have the report, in 1841, of the Archimandrite and Igumenos Gerasimos.[392] Since then, the monastery has been inhabited by Greek monks.

3. The Monastery of St. John the Evangelist (Salvator)

This is the oldest Georgian monastery in Jerusalem. According to Tobler, it is the monastery of the Iberians, which Peter the Iberian built in the 5th century.[393] In the 7th century, it is mentioned by an Armenian pilgrim as being the property of the Georgians. The monastery was built on the site of the birthplace of St. John the Evangelist. Accounts of it during the Middle Ages are scanty. In 1484, the Chapel of St. John the Evangelist (the place where he was born) is mentioned, probably by mistake, as being in Greek hands. Francesco Suriano mentions the Georgians as the owners[394] of this monastery. It remained in Georgian hands from 1489 to 1571.

More light is shed on the history of the monastery by accounts written in 1551. In this year the Franciscans were driven from their sanctuary on Mount Sion by the Muhammadans. They claimed an indemnity, and the Turkish Sultan, through the offices of the French Ambassador in Stamboul, suggested to them that they should choose any monastery they pleased in Jerusalem. The Franciscans selected the Georgian monastery of St. John, giving the following reasons for their choice:

1) Its proximity to the Holy Sepulchre;

2) The fact that the Georgians already owned seven other monasteries in Jerusalem and could easily dispense with this one, especially as only three monks were living there. Furthermore, the Georgians were schismatics and therefore they (the Franciscans) were committing no sin in taking possession of one of their monasteries.

Boniface of Ragusa, who was then the Custodian of the Holy Land, wished to buy the monastery from the Georgians,[395] but they refused to sell it. Finally, however, the monastery was sold to the Franciscans by the Turkish Pasha, the Georgians were driven out, and the Franciscans took possession. This strife lasted from 1551 until 1558. By 1559 the Franciscans were in residence in the monastery of St. John the Evangelist, which received the name of the Salvator Monastery. In 1560, the Franciscans requested the Pope to grant them the privileges, and accordingly the indulgences were transferred in 1561 to the Salvator from Mount Sion. In the same year, various old articles, which had belonged to the monks, were sold before the very gates of the monastery.[396]

In 1593, an attempt was made by the Georgians to regain possession of the monastery, unfortunately without success. Further efforts were made in 1594 and in 1595. In 1723, the church was restored by the Franciscans; after a time, in 1729, it was enlarged, and later, in 1884, when it had fallen into a state of complete dilapidation, they rebuilt the church entirely. It may be added that the Franciscans, who had little learning of culture, destroyed, during the process of reconstruction, all the inscriptions, memorials, etc., which had been left by the Georgians.[397]

Although they had purchased an ancient Christian monastery on such favourable terms from the Turks, the Franciscans were troubled with pangs of conscience. This is evident from the fact that, right up to the present day, they have attempted to conceal this infamous deed. Even in 1615, they informed an anonymous pilgrim that they had bought the monastery from the Armenians.[398] To-day, however, they describe the ‘Greek Gregorians’, i. e. Georgians, as the former (and in fact, morally, they are even the present) owners.[399]

4. The Monastery of St. Jacob

According to the Georgian sources, this monastery was founded by the Georgian king, George I, in the 11th century.[400] In my opinion, it is the monastery of the Iberians, which was built for the Georgians by Peter the Bishop, near the Tower of David.[401] It was restored by the Emperor Justinian in the 6th century, and it is possible that it was again renovated by King George in the 11th century. Evidently, during the Crusades, the Spanish Catholics laid claim to the monastery (Monastery of the Iberians may also mean Monastery of the Spaniards),[402] and the Custodian might have admitted those opportunist-chalcedonic Armenians, who were Georgian subjects and who had, up to that time, lived in harmony with the Georgians. However that may be, after the Crusades one does not read of Georgians living in this monastery. In the 12th century, the monastery of St. Jacob belonged to the Jacobites.[403]

Again, national opinion in Jerusalem, which goes by unwritten traditions but bases its facts on the accounts of various pilgrims, points to the fact that the St. Jacob Monastery was built by the Georgians for the Georgians.[404] During my stay in Jerusalem, I was told this on all sides, and it is plain that this assertion must be based on historical facts. All I have to go on for estimating the Armenian point of view is a small, unscientific work by a retired French Post Office official whose object was to uphold the rights of the Armenians to the monastery.[405] In any case, the destruction of the vast collection of treasures of Georgian culture, which took place during the Armenian occupation of this monastery, should be branded forever on their conscience.[406]

5. The House of Annas

Near the monastery of St. Jacob stands at present the Armenian convent. This convent was built on the site where the House of Annas, the High Priest, oncestood.[407] This convent is also known as the Monastery of the Angels.[408] In earlier times (before the Latin rule), it probably belonged to the Georgians, but the earliest historical references that I have been able to find only go back to the end of the 15th century. In 1467, the monastery belonged to the Armenians[409]; in the following years, 1483, 1493,[410] 1507 and 1519,[411] it is seen that it has already passed into Georgian hands. In 1561, it is back again in the possession of the Armenians,[412] and during 1602‒1603, the Georgians regained it.[413] They may have retained possession until the middle of the 17th century, as it would appear that the Armenians did not wrest it from them until 1688.[414] It is possible that the land for the building of the monastery had been acquired long before by Peter the Iberian, and that it had always belonged to his Iberian monastery. In the course of time, it probably became independent.[415] In Cagareli’ s list of Georgian monasteries and churches in Palestine, no mention is made of this monastery.[416]

6. The Praetorium

Cagareli does not refer to this monastery. In the report of a pilgrim in 1370, one finds that in Jerusalem: “In the main street towards the end of the city, there are three are three steps leading downwards. Here stands the Praetorium, in Greek φυλακή in our own language, prison. The Holy Altar here belongs to the Iberians and the Iberian services are held here.”

This φυλακή (Praetorium) might also refer to the House of Annas (but then compare, Prison of the Holy Angels), but to my knowledge, the House of Annas is nowhere mentioned as the Praetorium. The Praetorium is much more likely to have been the headquarters of the Roman Government, where the court sessions took place, and where, in all probability, the Governor lived. This monastery has retained the name “Praetorium” up to the present day. It is close to the Stephanus Gate, and belongs to the Greeks.[417]

7. Gethsemane, the Grave of Our Lady

The Basilica, where the remains of Our Lady rest, belongs, according to tradition, to various nationalities, as does the Basilica of the Holy Sepulchre. The Georgians also had an altar there. This altar stood on the right of the Holy Grave of Our Lady, and the Georgian services were held there. I found the earliest proof of this in a description dated 1370, but the Georgians had probably been there from the earliest times.[418] One finds similar references in 1391 and 1389‒1405. In 1421, this Georgian altar had fallen into the hands of the Armenians,[419] and the Georgians only had an altar in the darkest corner of the Basilica. In 1480‒1483, one finds that: “The altar, which is nearest to the Sepulchre, belongs to the Armenians, the second, beneath a dark vault, belongs to the Georgians.” It appears that the Georgians lost even this altar. In 1586, the Georgian altar was at the entrance to the church: “A marble stairway of fifty steps leads down to the Basilica; on the last step is the sacrificial altar of the Georgians. It is somewhat smaller than that of the Greeks.”[420] Unfortunately, I possess no reference after 1586 to the Georgians in the tomb of Our Lady.[421]

8. The Garden of Gethsemane and the Mount of Olives

We have two accounts concerning the Georgian anchorites in the Garden of Gethsemane, one dating back to 808, the other to 1185. As to the Georgian monks, who lived on the Mount of Olives, there is unfortunately only one reference, and this also belongs to the year 808.[422]

9. The Monastery of St. John the Baptist in Jerusalem

I have, unfortunately, only one reference to this monastery, and this is dated 1421.[423] “This monastery now belongs to the Greeks.” It was situated, as John Poloner[424] adds, between the Holy Sepulchre and the Tower of David.

10. The Monastery of St. George in Jerusalem

The only information we have that Georgian monks lived here (in Sancto Georgio) comes from Francesco Suriano in the 15th century.[425]

11. The Monastery of St. Simeon in Jerusalem (Katamoni)

According to Francesco Suriano, the Georgian monks left this monastery in the first half of the 16th century.[426]

12. The Monastery of St. Nicholas in Jerusalem

The Monastery of the Cross is also occasionally described as the St. Nicholas Monastery.[427] The monastery in question is situated by the Holy Sepulchre, close to the residence of the Patriarchs. According to Timote,[428] this monastery was built by a Georgian princess in the middle of the 17th century. The actual accounts of the monastery are, however, of a considerably earlier date.[429] In the 12th century (1187) Saladin gave the Georgians the Monastery of St. Nicholas. The question is: is this the monastery that is meant, or is it the Monastery of the Cross? In my opinion, it is more likely to be the latter. In 1584 one finds the Monastery of St. Nicholas described as the Metochion of the Monastery of the Cross. In 1651, two accounts refer to it as being owned by the Georgians. In 1858, Archimandrite Leonid saw the ancient tombstones with Georgian inscriptions still in the wall of the monastery church, which faces towards the garden of the Patriarchs. Unfortunately, only one of these inscriptions has been deciphered and printed up to the present day.[430] It is a pity that right by this spot all the excavation refuse is thrown out, and now only a small part of the inscription can be seen. (This was the case when I was there in August 1936.) The archeological excavations in the garden of the Greek Patriarch«s house shall, I believe, reveal many tombstones with Georgian inscriptions.

13. Sarrandarion

This mountain, where, after His baptism, Jesus Christ fasted for forty days and forty nights, and was tempted by the devil, has been from earliest times the destination of Christian ascetics. After the overthrow of the Latin kingdom, Georgians lived here in place of the Latin monks. In 1336, the Georgians were still in residence.[431]

14. The Monastery of St. John of Chrysostom (in the desert of Jericho)

The Monastery is in the same desert of the Jordan. According to The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, 1099‒1291, Georgian ascetics lived in the Monastery of St. Chrysostom, which was situated south of Jericho.[432] Also John Phokas, in 1185, saw a Georgian ascetic there.[433]

15. The Monastery of St. John the Baptist and the Monastery of St. Gerasimos (perhaps Kalamoni) in the Jordan Desert

According to The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, the Georgian monks lived amicably with the Greeks in the Monastery of St. John the Baptist during the Latin rule,[434] and likewise with the Latins in the Monastery of St. Gerasimos.[435]

The monastery, which in 1185, was supposed to have been washed away by Jordan floods, was, I think, a part of the Monastery of St. Gerasimos.[436]

16. The Laura of St. Sabba, in the Desert of Jerusalem

In this famous Laura the Georgians had their own church, and one finds proof of this as early as the 6th century.[437] In 1185 and 1370 Georgian monks lived here.[438]

17. The Georgians in Bethlehem

In 1335, one finds that the Georgians had their own altar in the Basilica of the Nativity, outside the Cave of the Nativity.[439]

18. The Georgian Convents

One reads, in 1108, of a widowed Queen of Georgia, who entered the Georgian convent in Jerusalem.[440] Apart from this instance, the nuns lived, as did the monks, in the Monastery of the Cross.[441] In 1280 one finds Georgian nuns coming as pilgrims to Jerusalem.[442]

19. The Monastery of the Laz in the Desert of Jerusalem

The Emperor Justinian, according to Procopius,[443] restored one of the Iberian monasteries in Jerusalem[444] in the 6th century, as well as the Monastery of the Laz in the Desert of Jerusalem. Up to the present, this monastery has not been definitely identified.[445]

THE “OFFICIAL” REPORT OF THE GREEK PATRIARCHATE CONCERNING THE COLONIES OF GEORGIAN MONKS

IN PALESTINE AND GEORGIAN MONASTERIES OUTSIDE PALESTINE

From the foregoing, unfortunately, very brief accounts,[446] one sees that the Georgians were, at various times, in possession of twelve monasteries:

1. The Monastery of the Cross.

2. The Monastery of St. John the Evangelist.

3. The Monastery of St. Jacob.

4. The Monastery of St. Nicholas.

5. The House of Annas.

6. The Praetorium.

7. The Monastery of St. John the Baptist in Jerusalem.

8. The Monastery of St. George in Jerusalem.

9. The Monastery of St. Simeon in Katamoni.

10. Sarrandarion.

11. The Monastery of St. John of Chrysostom.

12. The Convent.[447]

In addition to these, there are the Georgian altars in Bethlehem and Gethsemane by the Sepulchre of Our Lady, and the six chapels in the Holy Sepulchre (Golgotha, Carceris Christi, Mary Magdalene, Invention of the Cross, St. Helena’ s, the chapel below Mount Calvary, and also the galleries of the Holy Sepulchre). In the Laura St. Sabba, the Georgians had their own church; furthermore, they lived (and perhaps had their own church) in the Garden of Gethsemane, on the Mount of Olives, and in the monasteries of St. John the Baptist and St. Gerasimos in the desert of Jordan.[448]

According to the Greeks: “The Georgians came to Palestine towards 1200, with the help of the Mamelukes and the Circassians.[449] They gave a great deal of assistance to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate[450] and the Greeks presented them with[451] the monastery of St. Nicholas,[452] and later, the monastery of the Holy Cross.[453] At this time, as their numbers increased, the Georgians received the Monastery of St. Jacob,[454] the Monastery of St. John the Theologian,[455] the Monastery of SS. Theodor Tyron and Theodor Stratilatos, the Monastery of St. Demetrius,[456] the Monastery of St. Thecla,[457] the Monastery of St. Katherine, and, in 1308, Golgotha.[458]

If those who read through the present article will compare the remarks made in the above Report with the results of my investigation, it will be only too evident to them that this biased Report is based on very slender grounds.

By the way, we derive a few important facts about the Georgian colonies outside Palestine from these pilgrims’ reports. They tell us of the life of the Georgians in Cyprus,[459] Syria,[460] Aleppo,[461] Sinai,[462] Cairo,[463] and Constantinople.[464]

GEORGIA AND THE LIFE OF THE GEORGIAN MONKS IN PALESTINE

When the Georgians entered the Holy City, their banners, on which were depicted the Cross and St. George, flew bravely; they paid no toll, neither in Jerusalem nor on their journey through Turkish territory. We also know that the Muhammadans dared not molest the Georgians lest they should avenge themselves on the Muhammadan subjects of Georgia.[465] The last reference to this, which I discovered, dates back to 1653‒1656.[466]

The decline of Georgian power and influence in Palestine began somewhat earlier. The conflict of the Georgians and Franciscans for possession of the Monastery of St. John shows only too clearly the weakness of the former. The Armenians and the Greeks, who were lying in wait, ready to seize the sacred possessions of the Georgians, naturally made the most of the situation and took full advantage of it. The poverty-stricken little land, beset on all sides by the Muhammadans, could not withstand the heavy taxes and corrupt politics of the Turkish Government. And so, gradually, there began the decline (which tended periodically to increase) of the Georgian element in the Holy Land. The Georgians could no longer preserve for posterity the great inheritance of Georgian culture.

The Greeks and Latins (and probably the Armenians), through the mouthpiece of their wardens and pilgrims, were wont to speak of the low standard of the morals and religion of the Georgian monks in the 17th and 18th centuries.[467] To this is ascribed the loss of their monasteries. The religious ethics of the Greek and Latin monks were of the same low level at that time. The true cause of the Georgian downfall lies much deeper; it was the decline in Georgia’ s history. Georgia was on the verge of ruin; she had neither the time nor opportunity to concern herself with what was happening in so distant a land as Palestine.

The decline of Georgian power had already begun in the middle of the 15th century and later the hitherto united country split into three kingdoms and four principalities. It was by no means unusual for these small states to make war against each other; at times, they even allied themselves with the enemy against their own kinsmen. The fact that the house was divided against itself was not known in Jerusalem until much later. The wealthy pilgrims, who marched proudly through the streets of Jerusalem with banners waving and singing their hymns, gave the impression of great power and magnificence; an impression that recent events appeared to confirm.

To the honor of the Georgians, be it said that, despite their unhappy political situation, they always maintained their enthusiastic devotion to the Holy Land.[468] Perhaps it was the crushing disappointment inflicted on them by the followers of their own faith, the Greeks, which forced them to turn their backs on the Holy Land for several centuries.

From about 1370 onwards, the Pilgrims differentiate between the Georgians and the Iberians, and in 1494, the Gurians are also mentioned.[469] Nevertheless as late as 1573, one reads of Georgia, “whose boundaries stretched from the Black Sea to the Caspian Sea.” One learns that these Georgians were probably converted by St. George;[470] that they were simple and courageous people, and that they had their own Patriarch,[471] that in Jerusalem they had two bishops, and that they probably had two cemeteries outside Jerusalem, and may have had a special cemetery in Jerusalem.[472] One also finds that they allowed others (even the Latins) to read Masses at their altars,[473] that they respected the graves of the Latin kings,[474] and that they distinguished themselves by their chivalrous behavior and hospitality.[475] During the period of their downfall, the greatest tragedy of their lives and in the history of their nation, they bore themselves nobly and gave no sign of their sufferings to the pilgrims. Compare their behavior with that of the Armenians after they had been deprived of their unlawful possession of Golgotha by the Georgians! The Armenians babbled to every pilgrim they met the tale of this “deed of violence.”[476] The Georgians, on the contrary, acted like true sons of a cultured and powerful nation whose religion and knowledge of church matters were utterly steadfast and unwavering.[477]

Georgia, the great ally of the Crusaders,[478] and the only Christian political power in the East after the Crusades, defended with her own blood the monasteries and churches of the Holy Land. She spared no expense to preserve these Holy Places in a fitting condition (see, for instance, the statement on p. 186 in the year 1187: the Georgians wished to restore at their own cost the sanctuaries, which had been destroyed after the expulsion of the Crusaders from the Holy Land. Other similar instances will be found in Part I).[479] When she was weakened by all the battles she had fought, other Christian nations took advantage of her situation in order to enrich themselves. It is sad to think that no Georgians now remain in the Holy Land.

APPENDIX

CONCERNING THE GEORGIAN INSCRIPTIONS IN PALESTINE

As material for the history of the colonies of Georgian monks in Palestine, the Georgian inscriptions on the walls of the churches and the gravestones, and on the various liturgical vessels and vestments that have been found in Palestinian monasteries, are of great importance.[480] Unfortunately the interest in these monuments began too late. Of the numerous inscriptions that must have been written, there are very few that have actually come to light. However, the continual excavations in Palestine are bringing more and more of these important inscriptions to light.[481]

The first man who made a study of the Georgian inscriptions in Palestine his object, was Timot’e (Timothy), Archbishop of K’art’li, who visited the Holy Land in the years 1754‒1757.[482] It appears that he saw a number of Georgian inscriptions, but he tells us only of two; the one concerning Giorgi (George) Abashidze, who restored the Monastery of Abraham in Jerusalem,[483] and the other found on a patriarchal marble throne on Golgotha, which he describes in greater detail.[484]

After Timot’e, the next to leave any information was the monk Lavrenti.[485] In a marginal note, dated 1807, to the MS. No. 146, he mentions the inscriptions on the patriarchal throne and on the doors of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.[486] Again, in the marginal note to the MS. No. 36,[487] he mentions a Georgian inscription concerning the Georgian King Giorgi on a cypress gate of Jerusalem.[488] Unfortunately, this monk did not go thoroughly into the matter.

Giorgi Avalishvili[489] was in the Holy Land in 1820; his book has not yet been edited.[490] He has evinced a keen interest in the Georgian inscriptions, some of which he has noted in his book.[491] In 1865[492] Archimandrite Porphyry Uspienski[493] brought a few Georgian inscriptions from Jerusalem to Russia, which were afterwards edited by Plato Yoseliani[494] in the Russian journal Dukhovnyi Viestnik.[495] In his Russian work, The Genealogy of the Princes etc.[496] Plato Yoseliani gives nine of the inscriptions published by him in Dukhovnyi Viestnik in 1865. For the history of the colonies of Georgian monks in Palestine, this work of Yoseliani is of the utmost importance, and it is surprising that Cagareli makes no mention of it.

The next to interest himself in the inscriptions was Cagareli. He was in Palestine in 1883, and published thirty seven Georgian inscriptions,[497] many of which, however, were already known.[498] The new inscriptions that this work brought to light were those from liturgical vestments. I need hardly add that many of these inscriptions have, in the meantime, perished.[499]

After Cagareli, the Georgian Dean Qonjoshvili (later Bishop Petre (Peter Alaverdeli)[500] visited the Holy Land. One deduces from his book that he had seen the manuscript of Giorgi Avalishvili’s travel book,[501] and naturally also the descriptions of Timot’e and Cagareli. He had found only one new Georgian inscription in Jerusalem.[502]

At the beginning of this century the late Professor N. Marr visited Jerusalem, where he worked in the library of the Greek Patriarchate. To my knowledge, Marr found no new inscriptions but he had, however found and edited valuable texts of great importance for the history of the Christian Church in Palestine or of the Georgian Church and the colonies of Georgian monks there.[503]

In 1931, while I was studying in Bonn, on the Rhine, I received from Professor Richard Meckelein[504] of Berlin an interesting photograph of two priest’ s robes. These robes were from Jerusalem, and they bore most interesting inscriptions. I deciphered them with the help of the late Professor N. Marr, who was in Bonn at the time.[505]

In 1932, during the building of the Y.M.C.A. in Jerusalem, an interesting gravestone was unearthed, with an inscription in Greek. Unfortunately this inscription is mutilated, but this much is known, that it came from the grave of a Georgian bishop, of the time of the 5th to the 7th centuries.[506]

During my stay in Palestine (July‒August 1936), it was possible for me to examine the inscriptions, which Cagareli had described. I found three new inscriptions, but I was only able to take photographs, of two of them (see Plates I, II). The third inscription I have only copied (see below, p. 246). Apart from these three inscriptions I have had all the fragments of gravestones photographed, which bore Georgian inscriptions, and which were to be found in Katamoni (the monastery of St. Simeon the God-receiver). One of these is a comparatively large fragment of stone (see Plate III, fig. 1), and three small pieces (Plate III, fig. 2). Cagareli saw these stones himself, but unfortunately they were in such a bad state that he was not able to decipher their inscriptions.

Thus is the history of the Georgian inscriptions in Palestine to be pieced together in emigration; in a manner of mosaic work, from fragments collected from the various great European libraries. The new excavations in Palestine, and above all, the religiously disinterested research workers of England and America, may yet turn over a new page in the history of Georgian culture.[507]

For my work, An Account of the Georgian Monks and Monasteries, as revealed in the Writings of Non-Georgian Pilgrims, printed above, I wanted to give as an illustration, without a detailed description of them, the photographic reproductions of the new inscriptions I had discovered.[508] The editor of this journal, Mr. Andria Gugushvili,[509] had, however, sent these photographs to the master-decipherer of ancient Georgian inscriptions, the archeologist, Professor Ekvtime Takaishvili,[510] of Paris. I must apologize that the valuable time of the professor should have been taken up in this manner, although it is probably much more valuable to have a learned opinion from such an experienced scholar in this sphere, than that of a beginner.

This step taken by Mr. Andria Gugushvili has led to my writing this appendix. I think that almost everything that has been written on Georgian inscriptions in Palestine has been collected in the bibliography given herein.

Now for the inscriptions accompanying this article.[511]

Pate I Professor Ekvtime Takaishvili describes this piece of embroidery as follows:

“According to the inscriptions itself, it is a Georgian dap’arna, that is a cover or veil for putting over holy offerings, or over the chalice. However, judging from the scene embroidered, it is purely and simply a Georgian gardamokhsna, that is an altar cloth or cover, on which is represented the Descent from the Cross. In such representations the actual descent from the Cross is never depicted, but the body of Christ is shown as having just been taken down by Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus and either placed in a white linen cloth or shroud, or simply lay on the ground. Some representations depict the lamentation for Christ (the threne, θρηνος); others, the anointing with myrrh; while others again show both these themes at the same time. On our embroidery the anointing is represented, with Joseph and Nicodemus, two angels in white chasubles, and three holy women in an attitude of mourning. Similar scenes are repeated also on an antimensia representing a consecrated cloth, or, sometimes, a slab of wood, used in place of an altar, and called odiki (sing.) in Georgian.”

In the background is seen the Cross with the extremely interesting Greek inscription: N I B I (ὁ) Ναζωραίος Ιησούς (ὁ) Βασιλεύς των Ιουδαίων[512] to the right of the Cross is observed a cane pole with a sponge attached to it (see Mark 15:36) and to the left, a lance (see John 19: 34). This whole scene is beautifully hand-embroidered in silk thread. On all sides are hand worked inscriptions in asomt«avruli (majuscule ecclesiastical) alphabet, which are reproduced below in the mkhedruli (military) alphabet:

(abbreviated)

1. ქ:- ჩვნ:- ცვა:- ფრათა:- თქნთა:- მნდბლმ

2. ან:- ამილხრის:- ძემან:- ვტნგ:- და:- მეცხე

3. დრემნ:- სარდლის:- ასულმა:- ყდ:- უბდრკმნ:- ელენემ: შე

4. ვაკევინთ: დაფრნა: ესე: და: შევსწრეთ:- დბლსა:- საფლსა:- ოფისასა:

(in full)

1. ქ. ჩვენ ცვა-ფარვათა თქვენთა მონდობილმ-

2. ან ამილახორის ძემან ვახტანგ და თანა მეცხე-

3. დრემან, სარდლის ასულმა, ყოვლად უბადრუკმან ელენემ, შე-

4. ვაკერვინეთ დაფარნა ესე და შევსწირეთ დიდებულსა საფლავსა უფლისასა.

Translation:

“We, who trust in your support and protection,[513] the son of Amilakhori, Vakhtang and (my) wife, the daughter of Sardali,[514] the most wretched Elene, have had this dap’arna made and have offered it to the glorious sepulcher of Christ.”

In Takaishvili«s opinion, the persons mentioned in this inscription, Vakhtang Amilakhori and his wife Elene (Helen), are not known from other sources. The embroidery itself is, also in his opinion, of the 17th century; it is now kept in the depository of the Basilica of the Holy Sepulchre.

Plate II

A representation of an epigonation (έπιγονάτιον) is described by Professor Takaishvili as follows:

“The second item is the Georgian enk’eri, an embroidered square worn during Divine Service by prelates, suspended from the right shoulder. Enk’eris usually depicts various evangelical characters and scenes. The scene embroidered on our enk’eri is generally called ‘the Resurrection«, ή Ἀνάστασης, or, in English, the Descent into Limbo; Georgians and Slavs term it the ‘Captivity of Hell’. In a circle surrounded by a Greek inscription, Christ, with His halo of divinity, is seen standing on the broken gates of Hell. His left hand bears the Cross, symbol of victory, whilst with his right hand he grasps the fore-arm of the kneeling Adam and raises him up; a symbol of the freeing from Sin of Man«s progenitor. Behind Adam stand kings, the younger is David; the elder, Solomon.[515] On the left of Christ kneels Eve, imploring, while behind her stand two prophets. At each corner of the square there was originally depicted a half-length figure, evidently representing an evangelist, but one of these figures has been completely effaced. Around the whole picture runs a Georgian inscription in asomtavruli, in interwoven letters; this, however, is very defective.

The text contains a troparion, which is said or sung at the ceremony of putting this vestment on a prelate, and which represents Psalm 44, 3‒4, of the Georgian Bible.

Our text differs somewhat from the texts, which I have already published, from the enk’eris of the Martvili and Tsaishi monasteries (see my Археологические экскурсии, разыскания и заметки, II, pp. 77, 187).”

This inscription, or rather what Professor Takaishvili has been able to decipher, we reproduce here in Mkhedruli (military) alphabet:

შეიბ მახვილი შენი ძლიერო და შენ მიერითა შვენებითა

შენითა და შენითა სიკეთითა გარდააცე(?) და წარემართე:

და სუფევდი ჭეშმარიტებითა და პატიოსნებითა.

Translation:

“Gird the sword, O mighty, with thy glory and thy goodness.

And go and rule in truth and righteousness.”[516]

The embroidery is most probably of the 17th century; it is kept in the depository of the Basilica of the Holy Sepulchre.

Plate III, Fig. 1.

It represents only a ‘fragment’ of a gravestone inscription, found in Jerusalem during the restoration of Katamoni (the Monastery of St. Simeon) in 1859. It is a three-line inscription in beautiful asomt’avruli. Although some letters are quite clearly visible, it is useless to transcribe the inscription as, owing to its defectiveness, no sense can be derived.” So Professor Takaishvili informs Mr. Gugushvili. Cagareli had seen this gravestone fragment and he mentions it in his book (“Памятники грузинской старины в Святой Земле и на Синае,” pp. 123‒124).[517] In the first line of the inscription, to the right, is an abbreviated word, qp’l, which reads in full qop’ili and signifies formerly, ex, late (literally ‘been’) It was the custom to attach this word to the first names of the ladies of the royal family (and, I think, even to those of the queens) who became nuns; see example in Cagareli (“Памятники грузинской старины в Святой Земле и на Синае”). Inscription No. XXXI (pp. 250‒1),[518] wherein is mentioned, “The Queen of Kakhet’i, Elizabeth formerly Helen.”[519]

Plate III, Fig. 2.

It represents three small fragments of a gravestone from the same monastery, unfortunately undecipherable.

Under the altar in the church of the Monastery of the Cross, on the east side, is an inscription in Georgian in Mkhedruli (military) alphabet, which was, unfortunately, difficult to photograph; I copied it, however, and it reads as follows:

(abridged)

1. † ჩვენ ვნებულ ჩვენთვის ჯვვარით შე

2. ცოდვილ:. ჯვარის:. მამანიკიფორე:. არშიმანდრი

3. ტი წ ისა გოლგოთის:. შეეწ

4. შეეწიე დადიანს:.

5. შეეწიე დადიანს:. ლეონს: რომელმა მოჭედა … ძელი ესე

(in full)

1. † ვნებულო ჩვენთვის ჯვარით შეიწყალე

2. ტი წმიდისა გოლგოთის, არშიმანდრი -

3. ტი წმიდისა გოლგოთის, შეეწ(იე).

4. შეეწიე დადიანს ლეონს,

5. შეეწიედადიანსლეონს, რომელმა(ნ) მოჭედა (ძ)ელი ესე.

Translation:

“Thou who hast suffered upon the Cross for us, have mercy upon the sinner Jvarismama Nikip’ore (that is Nicephorus),[520] the Archimandrite[521] of the Holy Golgotha. The K’oronikon was 331 (that is the year 1643).[522] Have mercy upon Leon Dadiani, who adorned this (true) wood” (that is the Holy Cross).[523]

[1] (*) See: Nawrócenie Gruzji, trans. D. Kolbaia (Warsaw, 1995), pp. 49‒54; see also a more recent study on Georgians in the Holy Land, ed. T. Mgaloblishvili (London, 2011) (Footnotes marked with (*) were written by Henryk Paprocki. The text is prepared by David Kolbaia. In the text all the footnotes by Grigol Peradze).

[2] (*) Mamluks (Arabic: mamlūk — slave), slaves not originally professing Islam (generally pagans, sometimes Christians) and coming from outside the Islamic world, who were bought by Muslim rulers, brought to the lands of Islam, converted to Islam and trained in combat, in order to forming them into selected military units. Occasionally, prisoners of war also became Mamluks.

[3] A. Cagareli, Каталог грузинских рукописей монастыря Святого Креста близ Иерусалима (*) [Alexander Cagareli (1844‒1929) — Georgian philologist, specialist in Old Georgian literature, professor at the University of Tbilisi].

[4] Of the Georgian manuscipts of the Monastery of the Cross, 400 of which Scholz saw there in 1820 (cf. also below p. 205, excerpts for years 1846, 1858), 147 have been described by Cagareli (pp. 143‒192), and later by Blake in Catalogue des Manuscrits Géorgiens de la Bibliothéque Patriarcale Grecque à Jerusalem in La Revue de l'Orient Chrélien, Paris, vol. 3 (23), no. 3‒4 (1922‒1923): 345‒413, series 3. Blake found 164 Georgian manuscipts in the Greek Patriarchate Library in Jerusalem. (Unfortunately I can only quote an exact description of the first 33 numbers; the other manuscipts will be described in consecutive volumes of the ROC).

[5] This is Professor Cagareli’ s notable work. In both the Georgian and Russian languages, there are a few popular descriptions of the colonies of Georgian monks in Palestine, but these are based chiefly on Cagareli’ s work and add nothing new to the subject. Cf. M. Janashvili, Грузинские Обители вне Грузии (Tbilisi, 1889), Patriarch Kirion II, (Sadzaglishvili), Заслуги грузинского монашества и монастырей для отечественной церкви и общества (Tbilisi, 1900) ) by Ilia Peradze (*) [Ilia Peradze (1846‒1928) — graduated from the Theological Academy in Kiev, PhD in theology, famous Georgian pedagogue].

[6] A. Cagareli, “Памятники грузинской старины в Святой Земле и на Синае,” Православный Палестинский Сборник (1888): VIII.

[7] Practically every pilgrim who could read and write has left a description of his pilgrimage. Unfortunately, the work so successfully commenced in the last century by T. Tobler, Hein. Meissner, Reinhold Röhricht, Riant, Popadopulo-Keramews, and many others, has been discontinued since the Great War. These research workers have made it abundantly clear that this material constitutes an entirely separate branch of spiritual science.

As I have no opportunity in Warsaw of consulting the original sources in order to verify the accuracy of notes collected by me over a period of years, I have had, unfortunately, to omit several notes of which I doubted the accuracy. Probably some day I shall once again be able to work in a large European library and then these omitted notes will be verified and published.

[8] (*) See newer editions and translations: “Itineraria et alia geographica,” CCL 175 (1961); D. Baldi, Enchiridion locorumsanctorum (Jerusalem, 1955), 2nd edition; J. Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades (Warminster, 1977); H. Donner, Pilgerfahrtins Heilige Land (Stuttgart, 1979); Récits des premiers pèlerins chrétiens au Proche-Orient, IVe-VIIe siècle, ed. P. Maraval (Paris, 2002); Do Ziemi Świętej. Najstarsze opisy pielgrzymek do Ziemi Świętej IV‒VIII w., 2nd edition, ed. P. Iwaszkiewicz (Cracow, 2010); see also: E. Robinson and E. Smith, Biblical Researches in Palestine, Mount Sinai and Arabia Petraea, vol. 1‒3 (Boston, 1838‒1841); B. Spuler, H. Roemer and A. Noth, Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Vordenes Orients (Leiden, 1981); A. Mertens, Who Was a Christian in the Holy Land? (website).

[9] (*) See: St. Grigol Peradze, Róże Jerychońskie. Dziennik podróży do Ziemi Świętej i Syrii (9. VII.‒28. IX. 1936),” in idem Dzieła zebrane, vol. 3.

[10] I have purposely omitted at present to mention the relations between Georgia and the Holy Land. The Apostle of Georgia, St. Nino, came to Georgia from Jerusalem. Rufinus, resp. his source Gelasius, heard of the conversion of Georgia to Christianity from a Georgian prince, Bakurios, in Jerusalem; the emissaries of the Georgian Patriarch Kirion I met the delegates of Pope Gregory the Great in Jerusalem. I shall discuss these questions in the second part of my investigation: Georgian Monasteries in Palestine According to Georgian Sources. I shall also pass over the subject of that problematic people the ‘Bessens’ who are chiefly known to us through the monastery of St. Theodosius. Some research-workers think them to be the Georgians, see PPS, vol. 44 (1896): 110, 310.

[11] Peter of Maiumy, Piotr Iberian (411‒491) — Georgian monk living in the Holy Land, bishop of Maiumy from 455. Житие Петра Ивера царевича-подвижника и епископа Майумского V века, ed. N. Marr (St. Petersburg, 1896) (PPS 16); (*) [Петр Ивер (Псевдо-Дионисий Ареопагит), Труды древнегрузинский перевод Ефрем Мцире, ed. S. Enukashvili (Tbilisi, 1961)]. It has recently been assumed that the actual author of a series of works which were attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite (cf. Acts 17:34), an acolyte of Saint Paul the Apostle, which were penned by an anonymous author in the late 5th century or in the early 6th century, was Peter the Iberian, who during a certain period was revered in Georgia as a saint; cf. Sh. Nutsubidze, Тайна Псевдо-Дионисия Ареопагита (Tbilisi, 1942); E. Honigmann, Pierre l’Ibérien et les écrits du Pseudo-Denys l’Aréopagite (Bruselles, 1952); H. Engberding, “Kann Petrus der Iberer mit Dionysius Areopagita identifiziert werden?,” OC 38 (1954): 68‒95; Sh. Nutsubidze, История грузинской философии (Tbilisi, 1960), pp. 84-‒144; V. Chachanidze, Петр Ивер и археологические раскопки грузинского монастыря в Иерусалиме (Tbilisi, 1977); M. van Esbroeck, “Pierre l’Ibere et Denys l’Aréopagite,” in Proceedings of the Second International Symposium in Kartvelian Studies (Tbilisi, 1993), pp. 169‒177; M. Starowieyski, Słownik wczesnochrześcijańskiego piśmiennictwa Wschodu (Warsaw, 1999), col. 185‒186; D. Szlenow, “Ареопагитики,” in Православная Энциклопедия, vol. 3 (Moscow, 2001), pp. 195‒213; Жития Грузинских святых, trans. Z. Machitadze, M. Bukia, M. Bulia (Tbilisi, 2002), p. 222.

[12] Richard Raabe. Petrus der Iberer, ein Charakterbild zur Kirchen und Sillenge-schichte des V. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1895), p. 46 (the Syriac text).

[13] YMCA: Young Men's Christian Association, a Christian cultural and educational organization founded in London in 1844

[14] (*) It is the Rockefeller Museum, formerly known as the Archaeological Museum in Palestine, with a large collection of relics from excavations conducted in the Land of Israel, established in 1930. The museum building is also the seat of the Israel Antiquities Office .

[15] John Henry Iliffe (1902‒1960) — archaeologist, first curator of the Palestinian Archaeological Museum.

[16] J. H. Iliffe, “Cemeteries and a “Monastery” at the Y. M. C.A. in Jerusalem,” The Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine, vol. 4, no. 1‒2. An extremely important and interesting work. The separate edition, which I possess, has, unfortunately, neither date nor place of publication. See pp. 70‒80; especially p. 78.

[17] (*) St. Saba Sanctified, known as ‘the one from Jerusalem’ (439‒532), ascetic, lived in a rock cave in 462, in 482 founded the Mar Saba monastery on the steep bank of the Cedron stream. Commemorated on 5 December.

[18] A. Dmitrievski, Описание литургических рукописей, хранящихся в библиотеках Православного Востока, vol. 1, Τυπικά (Kiev, 1895), pp. 222‒224, based on manuscript from the Sinai no. 1096.

[19] (*) St. Justinian I the Great (483‒565) — Byzantine emperor from 527, nephew of Emperor Justin I. In 525, married Theodora. Proclaimed co-emperor by Justin in 527 and crowned together with Theodora. One of the greatest emperors who developed Byzantium very vigorously. Commemorated on 2 August.

[20] (*) Procopius of Caesarea (ca. 490‒ca. 561) — the last great historian of antiquity, the most famous Byzantine historian, author of The History of Wars, in which in eight books he described Justinian's wars with the Persians, Vandals and Goths; SecretHistory, trans. A. Konarek (Warsaw, 1977), 2nd edition 1998; About buildings, trans. and ed. P. Ł. Grotowski (Warsaw, 2006).

[21] (*) Lazes, one of the Kartvel tribes, inhabiting the valley of Kolchida.

[22] (*) Procopius, The Buildings of Justinian, trans. Aub. Stewart, annotations by C. W. Wilson and Professor Hayter Lewis (PPTS, London, vol. 2 (1888): 147).

[23] P. Leon Alishan, “Deux descriptions arméniennes des lieux saints de Palestine,” AOL (1884): 396‒397.

In the 7th century, the province of Gogarene (Gugark’, Gugaret’I) was already Georgianized. Cf. K. Kekelidze, Die Bekehrung Georgiens zum Christentum, in Morgenland, vol. 18 (Leipzig, 1928), pp. 23 ff.

[24] L. Alishan, op. cit.

[25] Commemoratorium de casis Dei vel Monasteriis, ed. by Titus Tobler in his Descriptiones Terrae Sanclae ex Saeculo, vol. 8, 9, 12, 15 (Leipzig, 1874), p. 79.

[26] (*) Bagrat IV Kuropalates (1018‒1072) — king of Georgia from 1027, son of George I and his wife Mariam, an Armenian princess. Married twice, first to Helena, daughter of Bazyli Argeros; his second wife was Ossetian Boren.

[27] R. Janin, p. 14. As quoted in Palestine Exploratiom Fund, Quarterly Statement (London: October 1911), p. 185.

[28] (*) Daniel Hegumen (12th century) — the first Russian pilgrim to leave a description of the Holy Land.

[29] Igumen Daniil, The Life and Pilgrimage of the Russian Abbot, ed. by M.A. Venevitinov, PPS, vol. 3 (1885): 82‒83. Only three manuscripts of this important description are extant; it is based on two manuscipts from the Iberian Convent (ibid., no. 14, p. 83). During 1102‒1103, Saewulf writes concerning the monastery of the Cross: “The Church of the Holy Cross, distant about a mile from Jerusalem on the western side, in the place where the Holy Cross was cut. It was much honoured and very beautiful, but it has been laid desolate by the pagans, yet not much destroyed except the buildings and cells about it.” See the Rev. Canon Brownlow in PPTS, vol. 4 (1893), p. 21. Unfortunately, he does not mention to whom the monastery belonged.

[30] For this Georgian king and his ‘widow’, see Avalishvili, “The Cross from Overseos,” Georgica, vol. 1, no. 2‒3 (1936): 10‒11. About the letter of Ansellus (Anseau in the vernacular) see Ibid., pp. 3‒11, and for the literature concerning it, Ibid., no. 1, p. 5.

[31] (*) David IV the Builder (1073‒1125) — king of Georgia during 1089‒1125, considered one of the greatest Georgian and Caucasian rulers. Expelled the Seljuk Turks from his country by winning the decisive battle of Didgori in 1121. Canonized by the Georgian Orthodox Church, memorial day on 26 January.

[32] They are fortunately vanquished by King David who has only 80, 000 men. Calterii Cancelarii Bella Antiochena, ed. Riant, pp. 130‒131. The complete literature by Avalishvili, pp. 66‒67; cf. Ibid., p. 73. See also footnote 242.

[33] (*) Theodorici libellus de locis sanclis editus circa A.D. 1172 – cui acceduni braviores aliquot descripliones Terrae Sanctae, ed. T. Tobler (St. Gallen, 1865), p. 125.

[34] (*) Benjamin of Tudela (12th century) — Jewish traveler, son of a rabbi from Saragossa. During 1160‒1173 traveled to the places of residence of the Jewish people in order to establish their number, including Palestine.

[35] Marcus Nathan Adler, The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela (London, 1907). p. 34.

[36] (*) Baldwin IV the Leper (1161‒1185) — king of Jerusalem from 1174. At the beginning of 1183, Baldwin fell ill with fever. Although he recovered, the leprosy attacked him with redoubled force. The king lost his use of his arms and legs and was almost completely blind. Unable to rule on his own, he entrusted Guidon with the office of regent and power over the entire country except Jerusalem .

[37] R. Janin, p. 34, according to Popov, The Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem, St. Petersburg, vol. 2, p. 167 (in Russian).

[38] (*) Jacques de Vitry (around 1160-1240), one of the organizers and participants of the 5th Crusade, became famous as a chronicler, author of a description of the countries of the East in the work Historia orientalis, published in 1611. In 1239, he was elected the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, but his nomination was this was not approved by the Pope.

[39] Perhaps Midians.

[40] Jacques de Vitry, “The History of Jerusalem,” PPTS, vol. 11 (1896): 83‒84.

[Under Corradinus, Prince of Damascus, Nur al-Din is probably meant. During his reign (1154‒1174) Damietta was besieged in 1169 (editors’ note)]

[41] The Pilgrimage of Joannes Phocas into the Holy Land, based on the Leo. Allutius edition, trans. Aub. Stewart, PPTS (1889), p. 22; ref. to footnote 6, pp. 30, 27, 24.

[42] An incorrect translation of the Greek name Iber, a Georgian.

[43] Called Kukumos in Greek, see PPS, vol. 23, p. 16.

[44] Saladin (Salah-ed-Din). PPTS, vol. 13 (1897): 384.

[45] Popadopulo-Kerameus, vol. 3, p. 27; it is not quite clear to me which Monastery of St. Nicholas is meant; the St. Nikolas Monastery in Jerusalem, or the Monastery of the Cross, called also St. Nikolas Monastery (see below for the history of these monasteries, pp. 40 and 47).

[46] “La Citez de Iherusalem,” ed. by T. Tobler in Descriptiones terrae sanclae, etc., pp. 216‒18, in addition, there are a few anonymous descriptions dating back to the 12th century edited by Aub. Stewart, “Anonymous Pilgrims (eleventh to twelfth century),” in PPTS, vol. 1‒7. “The monastery of the Cross is in Georgian hands” (ibid., vol. 6, p. 11).

[47] The Pilgrimage of Joannes Phocas into the Holy Land, based the Leo. Allutius edition, trans. Aub. Stewart, PPTS (1889): 22; ref. to footnote 6, pp. 30, 27, 24.

[48] “From a letter from Antioch to Besancon,” ed. Rh. Röhricht, Regesta Regni Hierozolimitani 1097‒1291, pp. 151‒152, 137‒138. It was mentioned by Avalishvili.

[49] (*) Magister Thietmarus was probably a crusader, a participant in the Fifth Crusade.

[50] Magistri Thitmari iter ad terram Sanctam anno 1217, ed. by T. Tobler (St. Gallen, 1851), p. 68.

[51] “Testimonio minore de quinto bello sacro e chronici occidentalibus,” ed. by Rh. Röhricht, PSOL, Geneva, vol. 3 (1882), p. 276.

[52] (*) Ernoul (end of the 12th century) — vassal of Balian of Ibelin (ca. 1140‒1193) — author of the chronicle of the fall of the crusader’ s rule in Jerusalem. In fact, it is a collection of various manuscripts, from an original source that has not survived, written by Ernoul. The basis of this collection is the chronicle of William of Tire (ca. 1130‒1186), who wrote about the Kingdom of Jerusalem from the middle to the end of the 12th century.

[53] “Itinéraires Francais, XI‒XIII,” Séries Géographiques, PSOL, Geneva, vol. 3 (1882): 45, published by Henri Michelaut et Gaston Raynaud.

[54] “Краткий рассказ о святых местах Иерусалима и о Страстях Господа нашего Иисуса Христа и о других безымянного, написанный в 1253/4 г.,” introduction by A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, trans. G. Destunis, PPS, vol. 40 (1895), p.14.

[55] (*) Burchard of Mount Zion — German Dominican who traveled to the Middle East in the late 13th century. Burchard wrote Descriptio Terrae Sanctae.

[56] Trans. by Aub. Stewart, PPTS, vol. 12, (1896): 2.

[57] Perhaps the Nestorians.

[58] AOL, vol. 1 (1881): 354.

[59] Ibid., p. 639; according to Barhebraeus (Chron. Syriac, p. 592) there were 5,000 Georgians among them (Ibid., p. 23).

[60] Mahmud Ghazan (1271‒1304) — ruler of the Ilkhanid dynasty (dynasty of Mongolian origin), reigned 1295‒1304.

[61] The ancient name of Crimea.

[62] King of Little Armenia, Hetum II (1266‒1307) — ruled in the years 1289‒1293, 1294‒1297 and 1299‒1307. Armenia Little, also known as the Lesser or Cilician, was a kingdom that existed in the years 1080‒1375 in Cilicia. It was created mainly by refugees from Armenia Proper, conquered by the Seljuk Turks. The capital was the city of Sis (now the city of Kozan in Turkey) (translator’ s note).

[63] Ibid., p. 643; this Georgian King David is supposed to have become a monk and to have received the name Johan (John).

[64] Henry II of Cyprus, Henry II de Poitiers-Lusignan (1271‒1324) — King of Cyprus during 1285‒1324 and the last king of the Kingdom of Jerusalem during 1285‒1291.

[65] Georges Pachymeres (1242‒ca. 1310) — Byzantine historian and writer.

[66] Ibid., 50, p. 645, the edition referred to is Bonn, vol. 2, p. 457 (no date).

[67] Cf.: M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, La Syrie à l'époque des Mamelouks (Paris, 1923).

[68] Ibid., p. 75.

[69] The Greek Journal Νέα Σιών, Jerusalem, vol. 11 (1910): 132‒134.

[70] (*) Al-Nasir Muhammad (epithet: al-Malik al-Nasir, Nasir al-Din Muhammad Qalawun ben, nickname: Abu al-Ma’ali) (1285‒1341) — sultan of Egypt, ruled from 1293‒1294, 1299‒1300, and 1309‒1341.

[71] Henry Sauvaire, Histoire de Jérusalem et de l'Hebron (Paris, 1876), p. 173; see also Vincent, Jérusalem, Recherches de Topographie, d'Archéologie et d'Histoire, vol. 3 (Paris, 1926), p. 978.

[72] “Die Pilgerfahrt des Augustinermönch Jacob aus Verona,” ed. Rh. Röhricht, ROL, vol. 3 (1895): 191.

[73] Franciscani, seondo Greci, tercio Nubiani, quarto Abessini et sunt nigri sicut Nubiani, quinto Nestoriani, sezto Maronite, septimo Jacobite, octavo Georgiani, Ibid., pp. 197‒198.

[74] Ibid., p. 222.

[75] Ibid., p. 219.

[76] Wilhelm von Boldensele (ca. 1285‒1339) — German Dominican and pilgrim from Lower Saxony, who visited Egypt, Sinai and Palestine during 1333‒1336 with Heinrich II von Braunschweig-Grubenhagen (1289‒1351).

[77] Although he is an extremely fanatical Catholic (and he is not the only one); Guilielmus de Baldensel, Hodoeporicom ad Terram Sanctam, ed Henricus Canisius, Antiqwae lectione, vol. 5 (Ingolstadt, 1604), p. 131 (in German). [newer edition: Guillelmus de Boldensele, Liber de quibusdam ultramarinis partibus et praecipue de Terra Sancta, CCCM.]

[78] Ludolph Schilder (14th century) — parish priest in Sudheim in Westphalia, made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land in the years 1336‒1341 .

[79] “Ludolphus de sudheim de itinere terre sancta,” AOL (1884): 353; he accords the Georgians the 6th place: “de Grecis, Surianorum, Nubianis, Indorum, Armenis, Georgianis, Nestorians, Jacobites, Maronitis de rito Coplorum, de Ysynis (perhaps the Abyssinians) de Maronitis;” Ibid., p. 369; “si quis de nocle vult videre sepulchrum dat Georgianis custodibus unum venecianum denarium et intrat iteralo et altera die omnes complentur exire,” Ibid., p. 354.

[80] Peter I of Cyprus, Peter I de Poitiers-Lusignan (1328‒1369) — king of Cyprus and titular king of Jerusalem from 1358. Peter I of Cyprus was not Armenian by origin, but was related to the Armenian rulers of Little Armenia.

[81] This account is very interesting and extremely important in connection with the history of Golgotha. Three articles from the History of the Russian Palestine Investigation, by Archimandrite Leonid, PPS, vol. 16 (1889): 6‒7.

[82] Agretenios archimandrite (14th century) — probably a monk in the monastery in Smolensk.

[83] “The piligrimage of the Archimandrite Agrethenios from the Monastery of Our Lady,” PPS, vol. 48 (1896): 9. The names of these monasteries are unfortunately not mentioned.

[84] Ibid., p. 10.

[85] Ibid., pp. 13‒14.

[86] Filak (Greek) — prison, guard, the name of the Praetorium.

[87] Ibid., p. 5.

[88] (*) St. Helena (ca. 255‒328) — empress. She was the daughter of the inn owner and the wife or concubine of Emperor Constantius Chlorus, who abandoned her (c. 292), forced by political reasons to marry Theodora, daughter of Maximian. When Constantine, son of Helen, became emperor, he brought his mother into the court, giving her the title of Augusta (306). Helena was baptized and started activities which resulted in numerous basilicas in the Holy Land that she had funded. She made a pilgrimage to Palestine and other eastern provinces (see: Socrates Scholastyk, Historia Kościóła, trans. S. Kazikowski, vol. 1, 17, in Do Ziemi Świętej. Najstarsze opisy pielgrzymek do Ziemi Świętej IV-VIII w, ed. P. Iwaszkiewicz [Cracow, 2010], pp. 60‒63). Helena was also famous for her generosity to the poor. Tradition attributes it to finding the Lord’ s Cross. Commemorated on 21 May.

[89] Ibid., p. 5.

[90] Ibid., p. 3.

[91] Ibid., p. 18.

[92] Leonardo Frescobaldi (died after 1405) — Italian politician, writer and traveler from the 14th century, in the years 1384‒1385 made a trip to the Holy Land, which he described in Viaggio in Egitto e in Terrasanta.

[93] Viaggio di Lionardo di Nic. Frescobaldi florentino in Egitto e in Terra Santa (Parma, 1845), appeared in the Series Scelta di elegantissimi scrittori italiani antichi e moderni, vol. 66, p. 120.

[94] The Greek text of Popadopulo-Kerameus, PPS, vol. 26 (1890): 12; the translation of Destunis, vol. 13‒23, p. 15.

[95] Ibid., p. 21.

[96] Ignacy of Smolensk (died 1405) — writer, together with the Metropolitan of Kiev Pimen (died 1389) and other people in 1389 made a pilgrimage to Constantinople, from where he went to the Holy Land, and then settled in Athos.

[97] Archimandrite Leonid, “Иерусалим, Палестина и святой Афон по русским паломникам XIV–XVII веков. сводные тексты оных, с объяснительными примечаниями, основанными на местных исследованиях”, Чтения в Обществе истории и древностей российских, (Moscow: Moscow University, January‒March 1871), p. 6.

[98] Ibid., p. 10.

[99] Zosima the deacon — traveler to the Holy Land, author of the essay Книга глаголемая Ксенос, сиречь Странник диакона Зосима о пути иерусалимском до Царяграда и до Иерусалима, или Хождение инока Зосима.

[100] See Archimandrite Leonid , p. 24.

[101] Ibid., p. 27.

[102] Jan Polak (15th century) — Franciscan from Wrocław, who in 1421‒1422 made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

[103] John Poloner’ s Description of the Holy Land; trans. from Tobler’ s text by Aub. Stewart, PPTS, vol. VI (1894): 4.

[104] Ibid., p. 16.

[105] It is about the Valley of Jehoshaphat, identified with the Valley of the Kidron, symbolic in the Bible for the place of the future Last Judgment.

[106] Ibid., p. 7.

[107] Ibid., p. 23. According to Tobler, this pilgrimage took place in the year 1422. See Tobler, Descriptiones Terrae Sanctae ex Saeculo, p. 497.

[108] “Super sepulchrum germani sui iuxta ostium e dextris in Capella Georgianorum sculpta est hoc prosa: ‘hic iacet inclitus dux Gotfridus de Bullon qui totam istam terram acquirivit, cuius anima regnet in Christo’.” Quoted in Epitome bellorum sacrorum in Palestina, based on Canisius, Antiquae Lectiones, p. 255.

[109] “Various new Masses are held every day in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre; the first are the Indians who are the followers of St. Thomas, then the Jacobites. Latins, Saracens (Syrians), Armenians, Kurgy (Georgites), Nosteri (Nestorians), Maroni (Maronites).” Pfintzing’ s work was edited by Rh. Röhricht and Heinrich Meissner and published in Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach dem hl. Lande (Berlin, 1881), p. 92.

[110] Peter Rot (died in 1488) — citizen of Basel, was the mayor of Basel in 1455 and from 1464 until his death.

[111] Pilgerreisen der Basler Hans und Peter Rot, ed. Bernouilli; see reprint from Beitrἃge zur valerlἃndischen Geschichte, vol. I (Basel, 1882), p. 46.

[112] Warsonofius (second half of the 15th century) — monk, made a pilgrimage to Palestine, Syria, Egypt and Sinai, left a description of his own.

[113] “The Pilgrimage of the Hieromonach Varsonofi,” ed. Dolgov, PPS, vol. 45 (1896): 13.

[114] Louis de Rochechouart (died 1505) — bishop of the diocese of Saintes in the years 1460‒1492 .

[115] “Voyage ἃ Jérusalem de Louis de Rochechouart,” ed. C. Couderc. ROL, vol. 1 (1893): 255‒256.

[116] Ibid., p. 258.

[117] William III Brave (1425‒1482) — Landgrave of Thuringia from 1445 and Duke of Luxembourg from 1457.

[118] Here is an obvious mistake; the Syrians are mentioned instead of the Georgians; cf. Louis de Rochechouart (in preceding excerpt). Pilgerfahrt des Landgrafen Wilhelm des Tapferen von Thuringen zum Hl. Lande, ed. J. Kohl (Bremen, 1868), p. 117.

[119] Sebald Rieter (died in 1471) came from Nuremberg.

[120] That is, the Georgians; Das Reisebuch der Familie Rieler (Tübingen, 1884), p. 18.

[121] Perhaps the nails.

[122] Ibid., p. 20; according to the statement by T. Tobler (he does not mention the source) this chapel of the Invention of the Cross “belonged to the Georgians at the beginning of the 16th century.” See his Golgotha, p. 317.

[123] ‘Land of Jhohan’ means land of John, that is to say, the Georgians were known in Jerusalem by the name of their King David, who later became a monk and received the name of John. This David played an important part in the history of the release of Jerusalem, and received the city as a gift from the Mongol Chan Gazan in the year 1300 (see excerpt, years 1280, 1299, 1300). Ein Pilgerbüchlein, Reise nach Jerusalem, in Archiv für Neure Sprachen, ed. Herrig Braunschweig, vol. 40 (1867), p. 313.

[124] Ibid., p. 316.

[125] Wasyl the merchant (15th century) — in the years 1464‒1466 made a pilgrimage through Turkey to the Holy Land.

[126] “Die Pilgerfahrt des Herrn Wasili,” PPS, vol. 6 (1884): 9.

[127] Ibid., p. 10.

[128] Sebald Rieter of Kornburg (1426–1488) — city councilor in Nuremberg, in 1479 made a pilgrimage to Rome, Crete, Cyprus and the Holy Land with Hans Tucher and others.

[129] See excerpt for year 1464 above.

[130] Hans Tucher (1428‒1491) — German nobleman, councilor in Nuremberg.

[131] Reisebuch, vol. 1, p. 663.

[132] Feliks Fabri (1438‒1502) — German Dominican writer, made pilgrimages to the Holy Land in the years 1480 and 1483‒1484 .

[133] “The Wanderings of Felix Fabri,” trans. Aub. Stewart, PPTS, vol. 1, no. 7‒8 (1897): 435.

[134] Ibid., p. 407.

[135] Ibid., vol. 2, p. 1.

[136] Ibid., vol. 1, p. 407; Sepulchre of the Holy Virgin: “The altar which is nearest to the Sepulchre belongs to the Armenians; the second, which is beneath a dark vault, belongs to the Georgians,” Ibid., vol., p. 468.

[137] Johann Graf zu Solms-Lich (1465‒1483) — German aristocrat, died in Alexandria during a pilgrimage in the Middle East.

[138] The italics are mine.

[139] Bewehrles Reisebuch des Heiligen Landes (Nuremberg, 1659), p. 167.

[140] Hans Werli was on the pilgrimage with Felix Fabri.

[141] Reisebuch, vol. 1, p. 272.

[142] Ludwig von Hanau-Lichtenberg (1464‒1484), Count Hanau — in 1484 with Count Jan V von Nassau (1455‒1516) made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

[143] “Die Jerusalemfahrten des Grafen Philip Ludwig von Hanau, Münzenberg, 1484, und Rheinhard von Hanau, 1550,” ed. Rh. Röhricht, Zeitschrift des Vereins für Hessische Geschichte und Landeskunde, vol. 26 (1891): 102.

[144] Ibid., p. 106; they cannot be Greeks as the editor presumes (ibid., footnote 1), because these were called Krychen, Ibid., p. 109.

[145] Ibid.

[146] It is only known that Jehan was born in Lyon and lived in Cucharmoys.

[147] “Reproduction d’aprés l’édition de Lyon, 1530 par le comte de Mary,” Geneva, SOL (1889): 12.

[148] Heinrich von Zedlitz (died 1519) — Silesian knight.

[149] The Church of the Angels, according to T. Tobler (Topographie, vol. 1, p. 367) should have been in the possession of the Georgians in 1507, but see Johann, Count of Solm, in the excerpt for year 1483. In this year, the church was already in Georgian hands; these Kirchens are presumably meant to be Georgians and not Greeks. “Die Jerusalemfahrt der Heinrich von Sedlifz,” ZDPV, vol. XVII (1894): 195.

[150] That is Ain-Karim.

[151] Ibid., p. 282.

[152] Ibid., p. 278.

[153] Eine Pilgerfahrt in das Hl. Land im Jahre 1494, ed. Theodor Schön; a reprint from Mitteilungen des Institutes für Ôsterreichische Geschichtsforschung, vol. 3, no. 8 (no year): 5.

[154] Ibid., p. 6. The inhabitants of Guria, a province in Western Georgia.

[155] It is only known that Metropolitan Daniel was sent by the Patriarch of Constantinople to the three Eastern Patriarchs on ecclesiastical matters.

[156] PPS, vol. 8, ed. by Destunis (St. Petersburg, 1884), p. 38.

[157] Ibid., p. 50.

[158] Henry the Pious (1473‒1541) — Saxon duke from 1539 (in the part of Saxony including the Marchion of Meissen), from the Wettin dynasty. In 1498, made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, later he also went to Santiago de Compostella.

[159] “Die Jerusalemfahrt des. Herzogs Heinrich des Frommen,” ed. Rh. Röhricht, ZDPV, vol. 24 (1901): 13.

[160] Arnold von Harff (1471‒1505) — German knight who made pilgrimages to Rome, Jerusalem, and Santiago de Compostela.

[161] Probably means the Chapel of Our Lady and St. John the Evangelist; Die Pilgerfahrt des Reiters Arnold von Harff, ed. Dr. E. von Groote (Cologne, 1860), p. 172, footnote 6.

[162] Ibid., p. 175.

[163] Ibid.

[164] Ibid., p. 163; ‘Coleuri’, that is Καλόγηροι — monks. One piece of information is most interesting: the Christian Suriani, Jacobitani, Jheoriani, Abasiniani believe that Adam broke the law on Mount Tabor and that this was where the Angels would proclaim the Last Judgment, ibid., p. 195.

[165] PPS, vol. 41 (1903), p. 164: there are other monasteries in Jerusalem: St. John the Baptist’ s, St. George’ s, St. Demetrius’, St. Nicholas’, John the Theologian’ s, St. Basil the Great’ s, Archangel Michael’ s, St. Katherine’ s, St. Euthymios’, St. Thecla’ s. These monasteries belong to the Orthodox Christians, Ibid., p. 167. (Unfortunately, these Orthodox nations are not distinguished one from another.).

[166] Francesco Suriano (1450‒1529) — Italian Franciscan, Custodian of the Holy Land in 1493‒1495 and 1512‒1515.

[167] Francesco Suriano saeculo XV, ed. by Girolamo Golubowich (Milan, 1900), p. 64. Tobler, Bibliographia, p. 58.

[168] Ibid., p. 74.

[169] Ibid., p. 132.

[170] Ibid., p. 132, n. 2; this monastery is called also Katamoni.

[171] Wie unsere deutsche Vorfahren gegen Ausgang des XV. Jahrhunderts, nach Jerusalem wahlfahrleten, das heilige Land, 56. Jahrgang (Cologne, 1912), p. 271.

[172] “Восемь греческих описаний святых мест XIV, XV и XVI вв.,” ed. Popadopulo-Kerameus, Russian transl. P. B. Bezobrazov, PPS, vol. 56 (1903): 243 (in Greek).

[173] Ibid., p. 244.

[174] Martin Baumgarten (15th/16th century) — explorer, author of the book The Travels of Martin Baumgarten Through Egypt, Arabia, Palestine and Syria.

[175] Travels of M. Baumgarten, see Churchill’ s Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. 1 (London, 1732), p. 418.

[176] Ibid., p. 419.

[177] Georgii (Prioris Gemnicensis), “Ephemeris, sive Diarium Peregrinationis transmarinae, videlicet Aegypti, Montis Sinai, Terrae Sanctae et Syriae, anno Domini MDVII,” in Thesaurus Anecdotorum Novissimus, ed. Bernado Pezio (Wien-Graz, 1721), p. 551.

[178] Frederick II (1480‒1547) — Duke of Legnica, known in the Legnica tradition as the Great, ruled the Duchy of Legnica from 1489, and the Duchy of Brzeg from 1521; in his teenage years (1507), without being burdened with state obligations, he made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land.

[179] “Pilgerfahrt des Herzpgs Friedrich II von Liegnitz und Brieg nach dem hl. Lande und Descriptio Templi Domini von Philippus de Aversa,” ZDPV, Leipzig, vol. 1 (1878): 181.

[180] Ibid., p. 183.

[181] Mount Calvary belonged to the Georgians before 1308, see the excerpt for this year, p. 188; also below p. 217.

[182] Tobler’ s Golgotha is cited, according to which the Georgians received Golgotha in the year 1479 (see Golgotha, p. 292), ibid., pp. 384‒385, footnote 1.

[183] Ibid., p. 199.

[184] According to another version, Melchisedek’ s burial place (PPS, vol. 46, p. 244).

[185] PPS, vol. 46, p. 143.

[186] Ibid., p. 151.

[187] Jan Want was a Dominican.

[188] “Eine Pilgerreise nach Jerusalem im Jahre 1519 vom Rechtsanwalt und Notar Weissweiler,” in Das Heilige Land, vol. 41 (Cologne, 1897), p. 114.

[189] Röhricht, Zwei Berichte über eine Jerusalemfahrt in Zeitschrift für die deutsche Philologie, vol. 1, 25 (date and place of publication unstated), p. 182.

[190] Ibid., p. 190; probably an error.

[191] Philipp von Hagen came from Strasbourg.

[192] Conrady, Vier rheinische Palestina-Pilgerschriften des XIV. XV. und XVI. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden, 1882), p. 268.

[193] Nikolaos Anagnostis, “A short trealise concerning the Holy Sepulchre,” PPS, vol. 56 (1903); in this spot are also to be found the skull of Adam and the graves of the three youths and of Melchisedek, p. 177; “on Golgotha the Georgians celebrated their Masses, nearby the Franks also had their altar ” (ibid., p. 178).

[194] Reinhard Hanau-Munzenberg (1528‒1554) — count, in 1550 made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land.

[195] Ibid., pp. 155‒156.

[196] Vasyl Pozniakow (16th century) — Russian merchant, made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 1558‒1561.

[197] W. Pozniakov, The Journey to the East and the Holy Places of the Merchant, ed. Loparev, PPS, vol. 18 (1887): 35.

[198] Ibid., p. 33.

[199] Ferdinando Massimiliano, Sioria di Gerusaleme, vol. 2 (Rome, 1857), p. 412; but the Georgians did not accept the money for it. (See also below for the history of this monastery,” p. 222).

[200] Jacob Wormbser or Wurmser (16th century) — Protestant, traveled with, inter alia, Graf Albrecht zu Löwenstein and Reinhard von Schönberg (1530‒1590).

[201] Reisebuch, p. 412; cf. also manuscript 34 — Supra Selden (3422) from the Bodleian Library.

[202] Albertus Graf Löwenstein (16th century) made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the years 1561‒1562.

[203] Probably instead of Maronites.

[204] Reisebuch, p. 363.

[205] A Spanish Franciscan’ s Narrative of a Journey to the Holy Land, translated from the 16th-century Latin manuscript in his possession and edited with notes by Harry Charles Luke (London, 1927), p. 30.

[206] Ibid., p. 32; I believe this report was compiled before the year 1551, see herein “The Monastery of St. John the Evangelist,” p. 222. The manuscript is undated; it was written during the Venetian occupation of Cyprus, which lasted from 1489 to 1571.

[207] Leonhard Rauwolf, Rauwolff, Rauchwolff (1535‒1596) — German physician, botanist and traveler. In 1573 started a three-year journey to the Middle East, in 1573 visited Constantinople, in 1574 was in Baghdad and 1575 in Jerusalem. In 1582 published in Germany Aigentliche Beschreibung der Raiß inn die Morgenländerin, a travel journal (it was also published in Polish and Dutch). He wrote his diary from the point of view of a Protestant pilgrim. In 1588 returned to Catholicism and became the leader of the Augsburg opposition against Protestants.

[208] Trapezunt, Trebizonda, now Trabzon (Greek: Τραπεζούντα) — city in Turkey on the Black Sea, the historic capital and main city of Pontus, founded by the merchants of Miletus in 756 BC on the silk route. In the Middle Ages, the center of the Trapezuntu Empire. Until 1923, inhabited mainly by the Pontic Greeks. There was also a large Georgian colony in the city.

[209] That is, on the Black Sea, called in antiquity: Pontus Euxinus, which means ‘guest sea’.

[210] Reisebuch, p. 633; in my opinion, three different chapels are mentioned here; the Calvary chapel, the Sepulchre, and the place where Christ appeared to Mary Magdalene.

[211] Probably monophysite Copts, if this is not an error.

[212] (*) Prince Mikołaj Krzysztof Radziwiłł, called Sierotka (1549‒1616) — Vilnius voivode from 1604, Troki voivode from 1590, Troki castellan from 1586, Grand Marshal of Lithuania during 1579‒1586, Lithuanian court marshal from 1569, staroste Szawle, diarist; in the years 1582‒1584 traveled to the Holy Land.

[213] Hierosolymitani peregrinalio illustrissimi domini N. Ch. Radziwill (Brunsberg, 1614), pp. 52‒53.

[214] Ibid., p. 98.

[215] Tryphon Korobiejnikow (16th/17th century) — Moscow merchant, made two pilgrimages to the Middle East.

[216] See Leonid, p. 41.

[217] Ibid., p. 60. The Bishop Epiphanios was probably President of the Georgian Golgotha Monastery and absent at the time. Tryphon mentions the monastery of the Holy Cross (gave 40 gold pieces, ibid., p. 62) and the Metochion, the Monastery of St. Nicholas (gave 20 gold pieces, ibid.). Unfortunately, the owners are not named.

[218] PPS, vol. 56, p. 195.

[219] Ibid., p. 211.

[220] Ibid., p. 221.

[221] Ibid., p. 223; cf. also J. H. Iliffe, Cemeteries and a „Monastery” at the YMCA, Jerusalem (third and sixth centuries A. D.), pp. 72‒73. The churches in Jerusalem: the Baptist, St. Jacob, St. Demetrius, St. George, St. Theodor of Tirons, St. Basil, St. Nicholas, St. Michael, St. John the Theologian, St. Katharine, St. Anna, St. Thecla, St. Euthymios, the Church of Our Lady (ibid., p. 206). Unfortunately, the owners of these are not mentioned.

[222] Ed. by Loparev, PPS, vol. 27 (1889): 97.

[223] “Three anonymous Greek descriptions of the Holy Land,” ed. Popadopulo-Keramews, trans. Destunis, PPS, vol. 46 (1896): 46.

[224] Ibid., p. 60. The second description states: “The Iberian monastery of the Holy Cross with 365 cells” (ibid., p. 87) and the third: “Golgotha belongs to the Iberians” (ibid., p. 112) “The Monastery of the Holy Cross belongs to the Iberians and has 365 cells” (ibid., p. 122).

[225] Martinus Seusenius, who died in 1603, came from Marienheim.

[226] Martinus Seusenius, “Reise in das Heilige Land im Jahre 1602/03,” ed. F. Müller, ZDPV, vol. XXVI (1903): 38.

[227] Ibid., p. 39.

[228] Ibid., p. 43, in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.

[229] Ibid., p. 47.

[230] Ibid., p. 57.

[231] Therefore in the chapel of the Holy Sepulchre at the ceremony for the supplication of the descent of the Holy Fire, a Georgian was locked in, as well as the Patriarch, “Proskininatarionin Jerusalem and other Holy Places,” ed. Popadopulo-Reramews, PPS, vol. 53 (1900), p. 43.

[232] Ibid.

[233] Hans Jacob Ammann (1586‒1658) traveled ten years in the Balkans and the Middle East.

[234] Reise in das Gelobte Land by Hans Jacob Aman Bürger zu Zürich, 2nd edition (Zürich, 1630), p. 176.

[235] Le pélerin véritable de la Terre Sainte (Paris, 1615), p. 386.

[236] Baldwin I of Bouillon (died 1118) — Count of Odessa (1089‒1100) and King of Jerusalem (1100‒1118), brother of Gotfryd of Bouillon, participant in the First Crusade. In 1098, created the first Latin state in the Middle East, the County of Edessa. In 1100 succeeded Gottfried and was the first to be crowned king of Jerusalem.

[237] Ibid., p. 287.

[238] Ibid., p. 293.

[239] “An Iberian” is understood; it is a great pity that the pilgrims confuse the Iberians of the East (Georgians) with the Iberians of the West (Spaniards).

[240] Ibid., p. 308.

[241] “Proskinitarion Through Jerusalem and other places,” ed. by P. B. Bezobrazov, PPS, vol. 66 (1901): 48; “under Mount Golgotha is the church of the honourable Baptist, and it belongs to the Orthodox” (Ibid., p. 35).

[242] Vasyl Gagara (17th century) — Russian merchant from Kazan, traveled to Jerusalem during 1634‒1637.

[243] Archimandrite Leonid, op. cit., p. 73.

[244] Christoph IV (1578‒1653) — Fürer von Haimendorf.

[245] Christ. Fürers von Haimendorff Ritters, Reisebeschreibung (Nuremberg, 1646), p. 194.

[246] Gabriel, Archbishop of Nazareth (died after 1653), traveled to Moscow; who Archbishop Gabriel was is a matter of debate.

[247] Concerning Gabriel, Archbishop of Nazareth, “Holy Places of Jerusalem,” ed. S. O. Dolgov (Gabriel’ s authorship is disputed), PPS, vol. 53 (1900): 9.

[248] Ibid., pp. 21‒22.

[249] It is only known that the deacon of Jon, called Little, was a monk in the Holy Trinity and St. Sergius, from where on June 10, 1649, he set off with the Patriarch of Jerusalem, Paisius and the old man Arsenius Suchanowy, to Jerusalem, but they stayed for two years in Jassy, from where Jona and the old Joachim went to Jerusalem, and returned to Moscow on 22 November 1652

[250] Leonid, p. 89; see also ibid., p. 200, footnote 6.

[251] Ibid., p. 93.

[252] Arseni Sukhanov (17th century) — Russian monk, writer and diplomat, made several trips to the Middle East.

[253] “Proskinitarion by Arseni Sukhanov,” ed. by Ivanovski, PPS, vol. 21 (1889): 155.

[254] Ibid., p. 157.

[255] Ibid., p. 88.

[256] Relation nouvelle et exacte d’un voyage à la Terre Sainte, ed. by Pierre de la Vigne (Paris, 1688), p. 103.

[257] Henry Maundrell (1665‒1701) — lecturer at the University of Oxford, later an Anglican clergyman, who from December 20, 1695 was chaplain of the Levant company in Syria and made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem at Easter 1697. Its description was published in H. Maundrell, A journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem at Easter, A. D. 1697 (London, 1703) and has been published in many editions.

[258] Henricus Maundrell, Ganz neue Reisebeschreibung nach dem geloblen Lande (Hamburg, 1706), p. 95; according to one report, this journey took place in 1697, not in 1700, see H. E. G. Paulus, Sammlung der merkwürdigsten Reisen in den Orient, vol. 1 (Jena, 1792), p. 90.

[259] Franz Ferdinand von Troilo (ca. 1640‒ ca. 1710).

[260] Francis Ferdinand von Troilo, Orientalische Reisebeschreibung (Frankfurt-Leipzig, 1717), p. 189.

[261] Wasyl Kijowski, Grygorowicz-Barski (1701‒1747) — a Russian pilgrim who during 1724‒1747 made a pilgrimage to Rome, the Middle East, the Balkans, and Poland, see N. Barsukow, Жизнь и труды В. Г. Барского (St. Petersburg , 1885).

[262] These inscriptions were in Georgian. See excerpt below, year 1749.

[263] Пешеходца Василия Григоровича-Барского-Плаки-Албова, уроженца киевского, монаха антиохийского, Путешествие к святым местам, в Европе, Азии и Африке находящимся, предпринятое в 1723, и оконченное в 1747 году, им самим писанное, (St. Petersburg, 1800), pp. 201‒203 (in Russian).

[264] El. Horn, Iconographie, p. 149.

[265] We only know that Serapion was a monk of the Holy Trinity Monastery, founded in the 12th century on the site of the Skifów Motronin castle, now the village of Mielniki near Czehryn.

[266] “Паломничество монаха Серапиона. Паломники-писатели Петровского и послепетровского времени или Путники во святой град Иерусалим.,” Чтения в Обществе истории и древностей российских Moscow, vol. 3 (1873): 109.

[267] Ibid., pp. 112‒114.

[268] Richard Pococke (1704‒1765) — English clergyman and traveler.

[269] Dr. Richard Pococke, Description of Mongolia and other lands, vol. 2 (Erlangen, 1771), p. 69 (of the German translation).

[270] John Martin Augustyn Scholz (1794‒1852) — German orientalist and Catholic exegete.

[271] C. von Tischendorff, Reise in den Orient (Leipzig, 1846), II, p. 69.

[272] T. P. Themelis, “The new catalogue of the Abbots of the Monastery of the Holy Cross (in Greek)” in Nea Sion (Jerusalem, 1910), p. 128.

[273] Lobegott Friedrich Constantin Freiherr Tischendorf (1815—1874) — German Lutheran theologian and palaeographer.

[274] C. von Tischendorff, op. cit.

[275] It is about Heraclius II (1720‒1798) — the Georgian king who ruled Kakheti during 1744‒1762 and Kartli and Kakheti during 1762‒1798.

[276] Themelis, op. cit., p. 128.

[277] (*) Leonid (Lew Kawielin, 1822‒1891) — theologian, historian, archaeographer, bibliographer and translator, in the years 1857‒1865 member of the mission in Jerusalem, from 1863 an archimandrite and its superior, in 1881 he became a correspondent member of the Petersburg Academy of Sciences, publisher of literature pilgrims, author of many works, including Старый Иерусалим и его окрестности. Из записок инока-паломника (Moscow, 2008).

[278] Archimandrite Leonid, Jerusalem, Palestine and Athos, pp. 8‒9, footnote 7. See excerpt under year 1391.

[279] Unfortunately only one inscription of these “tombstones with the Georgian epitaphs” has been deciphered; this is edited by Cagareli in ZDPV, vol. 4, no. 3‒4 (1881): 222‒223. Unluckily, Archimandrite Leonid only mentions two of these eleven Georgian monasteries: St. Nicholas and the Monastery of the Holy Cross.

[280] Alexander Sergeyevich Norov (1795‒1869) — Russian state activist, minister of education during 1854‒1858.

[281] Abraham von Noroff, My Journey to Palestine, translated from Russian into German by Zenker, vol. 1 (Leipzig, 1862), p. 327.

[282] The Georgians are confounded with the Syrians. Take this quotation, for example, from William the Brave in 1461: “By the cleft in the earth where the Cross was found, stands an altar owned by the Syrians; they also have a chapel below Mount Calvary. Here they practise their errors, in practically the same manner as the Greeks. The same are, as they say, converted by St. George.” That the Syrians are mentioned here instead of the Georgians is proved by the fact that in the same year (1461) according to Rochechouart, the Chapel of the Invention of the Cross belonged to the Georgians. Still more complicated is the account of Jacob of Bern (1346‒1347). He confuses the Georgians, the Nubians, the St. Thomas Christians and the Christians of the land of Johann (John): “The St. Thomas Christians from the land of Johann sing all day long and repeat Hallelujah during one Mass well over a hundred times; they enjoy great freedom, are permitted always to carry a cross in their hands, and need pay no tax upon entering the Holy Sepulchre. The reason is that if they wished to dam the waters of the Nile in their land of Nubia the whole of Egypt would be laid waste. The Nubians have three different baptisms: the circumcision, the baptism by fire by which a cross is branded onto the forehead, and the baptism by water. The garb worn by the Georgittes is similar to that of the Syrians, except that the latter wear white and the former black hoods”. Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach dem Hl. Lande, ed. Rh. Röhricht and Heinrich Meissner (Berlin, 1881), p. 52.

The privileges of the St. Thomas Christians are enjoyed by the Georgians in the Holy Land; it is the epoch of the Georgian rule in Jerusalem. Cf. Ludolph von Sudheim, ibid., p. 189: “After the Crusaders, the next position was held by the Syrians in Palestine” (Tobler, Golgotha, p. 291). By “the Syrians” probably “the Georgians”, are meant; “The Monastery of St. Jacob belongs to the Jacobites” (see PPTS, vol. 6, chapter 10). Who are these Jacobites? To my mind, the Georgians are meant: compare also PPTS, vol. 5 (1891): under year 1172. That the name “Iberian” has been incorrectly taken to mean “Spaniard” has even been admitted by Tobler (Topographie, vol. 1, pp. 360‒361, footnote 6); as the Georgians had the same Orthodox faith as the Greeks, many contented themselves by writing “belonged to the Orthodox Christians” (see ibid., p. 195, footnote 10).

Ludolph von Sudbeim (PPTS, vol. 12, p. 103), describes in the year 1350 the Nubians as the owners of the chapel below Golgotha; probably we have here the same error concerning the Georgians. (See below the history of this chapel, p. 219.)

[283] According to one pilgrim, the Georgians had the same faith as the Greeks and Armenians (1653‒1656). See Palestinafahrt des Ignatio von Rheinfelden (Würzberg), p. 151. Duke Frederick II (1507) describes the Georgian monks of the Monastery of the Cross as followers of the faith of St. Paul.

[284] Ernoul, 1231, p. 47. “:a terre dont ils sont (des Jorians) a nom Avegie.” In a document from the year 1261, Georgia is called: “Avegnia, terra Georgianum.” Ibid., pp. 95, 158.

[285] “They (the Georgians) were said to come from the land of Feminic where Amazons were still believed to ride to war, La Citez de Iherusalem (1187), p. 217; Conder, Latin Kingdom, p. 222.

[286] 1187, La Citez de Iherusalem, p. 216; see ibid., footnote 2.

[287] See ibid., p. 192, footnote 4; cf. also Z. Avalishvili, pp. 150‒151.

[288] “The Latins called the Georgians, ‘the Christians of the Girdle’.” Quoted in Conder, p. 222. “With the other name, they (the Georgians) are called the ‘Christians of the Girdle’. This is because St. George bound the serpent with his girdle and gave it to a maiden.” 1422, Canissius, p. 269.

[289] “Di sotto a monte Calvario trovarete Gorgotas,” Viaggi in Terra Santa (Nales: Fibreno, 1862), p. 7, based on ed. according to manuscript no. 396 from della Biblioteca de Canonici Regolari di S. Salvatore in Bologna (unfortunately neither the author nor the time of the pilgrimage is mentioned).

[290] From the 1350s to the 1360, L. Conrady, Vier Rheimische Palestina-Pilgerschriften ds XIV. XV. und XVI. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden, 1882), p. 45.

[291] 15th century, Claes von Dusen, Conrady, see p. 209.

[292] Sebaldt Rieter, 1464; Johannes Schilterberger calls the Georgians: Gurscy, Kurizy, Gursy, Gorsites, Gorgetes — see his Reisen in Europa, Asien und Afrika, in des Jahren 1394‒1427, ed. Carl Fried. Neumann (Munich, 1859).

[293] See ibid., p. 195, footnote 9.

[294] 15th century, Francesco Suriano.

[295] See p. 195, nootnote 2. In his work Различные наименования грузинов (Tyflis, 1846) (in Russian), the late Plato Yoseliani (a noted Georgian historian), deals, I am told, with the different appellations, the Georgians and Georgia have been given by foreigners, but this work is, unfortunately, known to me only by name.

[296] Jacques de Vitry: “There are men called Georgians, because they specially revere and worschip St. George, whom they make their patron and standard-bearer in their fight with the infidels, and honour him above all saints.” See ibid., p. 185.

[297] William the Brave in 1461: “the Georgians are, as they say, converted by St. George.”

[298] M. Baumgarten in 1507: “The Georgians are a people of the East, a very stout and warlike nation, so called from a Georgian saint, whom they own as their patron and protector, paying him most profound reverence.” The sentence, “from a Georgian saint” means either that St. George was born in Georgia or that he was a Georgian.

[299] Ignatio von Rheinfelder (Würzberg, 1667), p. 151. The journey took place during 1653‒1656.

[300] Louis de Rochechouart in 1461, pp. 255‒256.

[301] The account of Franz Ferdinand of Troilo is exceptionally interesting, and I give it here in full: “Many say that the Georgians received their name from the brave hero, George, and base their belief on the fact that the Georgians accord him great reverence and devotion; they carry his picture on every banner as a sign that they were converted to the Christian faith by him and him alone. Actually, there is not the slightest doubt that they were called Georgians before this St. George was even born, because Mela, who lived at the time of Emperor Claudius, refers to them in his first book that describes their country. Others believe that they were called Georgians because of their love of agriculture. Before this, they were called the Iberians by the Spaniards because they lived on the banks of the river Iberi. Later, they went to Asia Minor and called the land where they settled, Iberia. Others, again, call them Albanians, not from the Greek province, Albania, but from the eastern Albania which is now named Georgia” (op. cit., pp. 188‒190).

[302] I have the Georgian translation of this by the Georgian Catholic Father Shalva Vardidze (Istambul, 1921). The French essay appeared in the Echos d’Orient, Paris, vol. 98, 100 (1913); see Vardidze, p. III.

[303] “Dieu veuille, que le souvenir de leur glorieux passé inspire aux Géorgiens… de reprendre bientöt la place de choix qui doit ètre la leur dans l’unique Eglise universello fondée par Jésus Christ, qui est seule capable de les comprendre et de les traiter comme ses enfants ” states the Reverend Father R. Janin in his French Foreword to the Georgian edition of his work, see Vardidze, p. 6.

[304] Ed. C. R. Conder (London, 1897).

[305] “And in northern Syria 60 Georgian monks dwell in the ancient monastery of St. Simeon” (Ibid., p. 222).

[306] Quarantana is the name given to the place where Christ, after His baptism, fasted for 40 days and nights and was tempted by the devil.

[307] Here dwelt the Pillarists as in the Monastery of St. Simeon Stylites (ibid.).

[308] Ibid.

[309] Ibid. C. R. Conder mentions, among others, the important works of E. Rey, Les colonies franques de Syrie aux XII-XIII siècle (Paris, 1887); La Citez de Iherusalem (see above excerpt under year 1187) and Jacques de Vitry (1180). According to E. Rey (op. cit., p. 93), the Georgian monks in northern Syria had their own Bishop, who was not subject to the Antioch Patriarch. The Monastery of Quarantana is supposed to gave been taken possession of by the Georgians instead of the Latins after the victory of Saladin. William of Baldensel saw the Georgian monks in Quarantana (1356). (In Greek Quarantana is Sarrandarion.) William of Baldensel was possibly there in 1336, and not in 1356 (see under same year). Marr, in error, takes Sarrandarion to be the monastery of the forty Sebastian martyrs. See Marr, The Historical Skelch, etc., p. 118.

[310] Ignatius von Rheinfelden (Würzberg, 1667), p. 151. According to him, the Georgians held the same belief as the Greeks and Armenians. “The Georgians fear neither the Turks nor the Persians they possess a great and fertile land, which, owing to the narrowness of the passes, is practically impregnable the Georgians can always take their revenge on the Mohamedans, who are subjects of Turkey, if the Turks maltreat them in their country.”

[311] Archimandrite Leonid mentions eleven monasteries (see ibid, p. 25, excerpt under year 1858). Unfortunately, he does not give their names; the Greeks name nine Georgian monasteries (1200‒1308). See Bernhard Neumann, Die Heilige Stadt und Ihre Bewöhner (Hamburg, 1877), p. 280.

[312] Ibid., 281. Neumann must have derived his information from a somewhat vague source, because at this time, as is clearly seen from page 303, the Georgians were not in possession of the Monastery of the Holy Cross.

[313] Carl Ritter, Ein Blick auf Palestina und seine Christliche Bevölkerung (Berlin, 1852), p. 26. The period here described is that immediately after the Latin rule in Palestine.

[314] It seems that at this time (1852), the Monastery of the Cross still belonged to the Georgians. (See Ritter, op. cit.).

[315] Ibid., pp. 27‒28.

[316] The work of Antiochos Stratigos, Пленение Иерусалима персами в 614 г. ed. N. Marr, in Тексты и разыскания по армяно-грузинской филологии vol. 9 (St. Petersburg, 1909) (in Georgian and Russian); the Greek translation of this work by Archimandrite Kallistos in Nea Sion, Jerusalem, vol. 9 (1909): 81 ff.; and the German review by G. Graf, In Das Heilige Land (Cologne, 1923), pp. 19‒29.

[317] Chiefly the famous Kanonarion of Jerusalem of the 7th century (Tbilisi, 1912; Georgian-Russian); the German translation by H. Goussen, Uber die Georgische Drucke und Handschriften der Festordnung und den Hl. Kalender des allchristlichen Jerusalem belreffend (Mönchengladbach, 1923), from the periodical Liturgie und die Kunst, pp. 1‒42; see also Peradze‒Baumstark, Die Weihnachtsfeier Jerusalems im siebten Jahrhundert in Oriens Cristianus (Leipzig 1927), series 3, pp. 310‒318.

[318] See ibid., p. 183, “(the monastery) which lies to the left when one goes from the second portal of the aforementioned tower to the Holy Church of Zion.” The Church of Zion is the old sanctuary of the Franciscans; the Coenaculum, the first portal, the Portal of Jaffa and the second, that of David or the Portal of Zion. According to some research-workers, the monastery of the Iberians built by Peter the Bishop is the monastery of St. John, at present Salvator. See also below the history of the monasteries of the Cross (p. 40) of St. John the Theologian (p. 41), and of St. Jacob (p. 43).

[319] The Georgian version of “The Life of St. Peter, Bishop of Mayuma,” published by Marr, PPS, vol. 47, no. 16 (1896): pp. 14‒15.

[320] See the inscription deciphered by Ilife, “Cemeteries and a „Monastery” at the YMCA, Jerusalem (third and sixth centuries A. D.),” pp. 70‒80.

[321] See ibid, p. 184, § 3.

[322] See ibid, p. 184, § 4.

[323] Some take this to be the Monastery of the Cross. others, the monastery in the desert of Jordan; see also ibid., p. 212, footnote 1. There is a very interesting account from the year 530, PPTS (1897): 14: “from the Mount of Olives, the Lord ascended to heaven, and hard by, there is a cave called Mazi, that is, being interpreted as ‘of the Disciples’.” D. Bernard states (ibid.) that he “cannot offer any explanation of Mazi or Matsi.” Tobler connects it with μάζα (barley cake). It is very interesting to note that matsi appears to be consonant with the Georgian word motsap’et’ a containing the sounds of mis, which also means ‘of the Disciples’.

[324] This possibly means that St. Jacob monastery that belonged to the Iberians. In those days, according to Kekelidze (cf. Die Bekehrung Georgiens zum Christentum, p. 51) Gogarene was the Armenian part of eastern Georgia, that is, Iberia.

[325] The present Salvator; see ibid., p. 184, § 5. In his Russian treatise, Грузинские обители вне Грузии, ([Tyflis, 1899], p. 13), Mr. Mose Janashvili mentions an account of how the Emperor Heraklius employed the Georgians to restore the Basilica of the Sepulchre. He cites this account from the Russian translation of the work of George Finlay, Greece under the Roman Rule (date and place of publication not stated), p. 452, footnote 1, which, unfortunately, was not accessible to me.

[326] See ibid, p. 184, § 6. An account from the year 847: “Up to the year 847, the Georgians paid their yearly Church tax of 1,000 gold pieces to the Patriarch of Antioch. From the year 847 onwards, after a friendly understanding between the Antioch and the Jerusalem Patriarchs, it was paid to the Patriarch of Jerusalem” (PPS, vol. 16 [1889]: 48).

[327] See previous chapter.

[328] See p. 184, year 1050.

[329] Migne, Patrologia Latina, vol. 162, pp. 729‒731; Histoire Littéraire de la France par les Religieux Bénédictins de la Congrégation de St. Maur, vol. 10 (Paris, 1756), pp. 400‒403; in Avalishvili, op. cit., p. 34; perhaps the Monastery of the Cross is meant by this; see herein also p. 184, footnote 7, and Avalishvili, “The Cross from Overseas,” in Georgica, vol. 1, no. 2‒3 (1936): 3‒11.

[330] See ibid., p. 185, year 1178.

[331] Calterii Cancelarii Bella Antiochena, with explanatory notes and edited by Heinrich Hagenmayer (Innsbruck, 1896); de Riant, Recueil des Historiens des Croisades… Historiens Occidentaux, vol. 5 (Paris, 1895), p. 131, the literary account originates from Avalishvili, op. cit., p. 67.

(René Grousset in his Histoire des Croisades et du Royaume Franc de Jérusalem, vol. 1 [Paris, 1934], pp. 528‒529) describes the Georgian Crusade in the twelfth century as follows: “In enumerating the Muslim World’ s embarrassments, mention of the expansion of the Christian kingdom of Georgia, at the south of the Caucasus, must not be forgotten. In the reign of the Georgian sovereign, David II the Builder (1089‒1125), Georgian expansion, which had been checked for a time by the Sultans Malikshah and Muhammed, was again carried on, favoured by the Seldjuk decadence, and now began the liberation of Great Armenia. In August 1121, the Sultan Mahmud ibn Muhammed, who was getting anxious, sent his younger brother Tughril and II Ghazi, the Ortokid Emir of Mardin, against the Georgians, but the invading army was destroyed by King David II who definitely retook Tbilisi from the Muslims. In 1124 the victorious Georgians entered Ani, the ancient capital of Great Armenia.

This Turkish disaster in the north caused as great a sensation in the Islamic world as the Frankish victories in Syria. We find Muslims from Caucasia presenting themselves at Baghdad in order to obtain an anti-Georgian counter-crusade, just as the Muslims of Aleppo were urging there, an anti-Frank counter-crusade. Appeals which were all in vain. For at the end of the 12th century we see that Georgian revenge still stands out. George III (1155‒1184) led his victorious campaigns against the Turks right into the heart of Great Armenia, into the provinces of Erzerum, Ani, Dovin, Nakhidchevan, and Ganja. In the reign of the great T'amar (1184‒1214), the Georgian armies, under the command of such distinguished generals as Zakhare and Ivane, triumphantly invaded the provinces of Erzerum and Erzinjan, freeing and annexing Kars, defeating the Atabeg of Adharbaijan, and extending their invasions from this side as far as Ardebil and to the gates of Tauris.

Ibn al-Athir’ s text, already cited, testifies to the fact that between this arousing of Christian Transcaucasia and the Frankish occupation in Syria, the Seldjuk world felt it was menaced on all sides” (editors’ note).

[332] According to the letter from Ansellus (1108) from Jerusalem to Paris; “est nobis (Georgia) quasi antemurale,” in Avalishvili, op. cit., pp. 32, 35.

[333] Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani (MXCVI‒MCCXCI), ed. Rh. Röhricht, Oeniponiti, 1893, pp. 233‒234, 868; Avalishvili, Jvarosanta droidan pp. 151‒152; see excerpts for years 1207‒1208.

[334] See ibid., p. 206, footnote 3; also p. 5, excerpt from Jacques de Vitry.

[335] St. Tamara I the Great (1160‒1213) — of the Bagratyd family, Queen of Georgia from 1184, memorial day on May 1 and on Saturday before the third Sunday after Easter.

[336] See ibid, excerpt for year 1187.

[337] A. Cagareli, Памятники грузинской старины в Святой Земле и на Синае, p. 6; Z. Avalishvili, op. cit., p. 154, footnote 10.

[338] See excerpt for year 1187.

[339] See ibid., footnote 1.

[340] Ghazan the Mongol — II-khan of Persia (1295‒1304). See excerpts for year 1299 and 1300.

[341] In July 1305. See excerpts for year 1305.

[342] In K’ronikebi, vol. 2 (Tbilisi, 1895): 357‒368 (in Georgian). T. Jordania gives an account of the second conquest of Jerusalem by the Georgians in the year 1527.

[343] I shall discuss these documents in my next article “The Georgian Monasteries in Palestine according to Georgian Sources.”

[344] See below, p. 222, “The History of the Salvator Monastery.”

[345] See p. 234, footnote 1.

[346] Cagareli, pp. 89‒130; see also herein p. 230.

[347] See excerpts for 1347 and for 1480‒1483.

[348] See excerpt for year 1050.

[349] Popadopul-Keremeus, vol. 4, p. 441; see also excerpts for years 1200‒1308, and for years 1389‒1405.

[350] See excerpt for year 1366.

[351] See excerpt for year 1391. According to Archimandrite Agrethenios, in 1370 “on Golgotha the Georgians celebrate the services.”

[352] In 1440 (Peter Rot, p. 45) and 1464 (Sebaldt Rieter, senior., p. 18), the Holy Mount Golgotha, if these pilgrims are not confusing them with the Georgians, belonged to the Armenians; see excerpt for years 1479‒1480, 1480‒1481, and 1507 (Duke Frederick II).

[353] See München Cod. German, no. 3001, 16th century, fol. 26. According to Tobler (Golgotha, p. 292), the Holy Mount belonged to the Armenians till 1479; according to Armenian accounts till 1475 (see excerpts for years 1479‒1480, 1480‒1481, and 1507, Duke Frederick II), according to Marr (op. cit., p. 118), the Golgotha belonged to the Georgians from 1476 onwards.

[354] The Holy Mount Golgotha belonged to the Georgians in the years 1050, 1200‒1308, 1389‒1405, in 1479, 1480‒1483, 1484, 1493, 1494, 1496‒1499, 1498; also in 1507, 1517, 1519 [according to Georgian sources, Golgotha was restored by the Kakhet’ian King Leon II (1520‒1574), in 1520 (Cagareli, p. 113)], 1521, 1558‒1561, 1562, 1573, 1583, 1584, 1586, 1593‒1594, and in 1642, 1646. The accounts for the years 1389‒1405 (p. 10) and 1391 (ibid.), refer to the discovery of Adam’ s skull on Golgotha. Actually this skull is below Mount Golgotha (see excerpt for year 1496‒1499). In 1479 the Georgians shared Mount Calvary with the Greeks and Franciscans (Sebaldt Rieter, June), and in 1484 with the Franciscans alone (Count Philip Ludwig). It seems that in 1484 the whole of Golgotha belonged to the Georgians. To protect the Holy Place from other nations and religions, the Georgians always kept a monk locked inside it (see excerpts for years 1480‒1483, 1483, and 1602‒1603). In 1300 when the Georgians held Jerusalem, Mount Golgotha would of course be in their possession.

[355] See excerpts: year 1602‒1603, p. 201; 1649‒1653, 203. According to Arseni Sukhanov, this chapel already belonged to the Greeks.

[356] Tobler, Golgotha, p. 363.

[357] See excerpts for years 1440 and 1573.

[358] Tobler, Golgotha, p. 317.

[359] See ibid., p. 206, footnote 3.

[360] “Twenty-nine steps lead downwards; at the bottom stands a big stone pillar from which the fresh dew is perpetually trickling forth; the Holy Altar here belongs to the Iberians.” See excerpt for year 1370; cf. the number of steps according to the various pilgrims in Tobler, op. cit., p. 308, footnote 3.

[361] See excerpt for year 1461.

[362] Sebaldt, senior, probably refers to three chapels: the Invention of the Cross, St. Helena’ s chapel, and the spot where the Cross (?), the Spear, the Nails, and the Crown were discovered. All these three chapels belonged to the “Jörites of Persia” (Georgians); (perhaps by the third chapel is meant the Longino Chapel; according to sacred tradition the inscription on the Cross was found here and the Cross itself was preserved here for many years), see Tobler, op. cit., pp. 337‒339.

[363] See excerpt for year 1479‒1480.

[364] See excerpt for year 1480‒1483; according to references during 1479‒1480 and 1480‒1483. Three lamps always burned in the chapel.

[365] See excerpt for year 1494.

[366] See excerpt for year 1498.

[367] See excerpt for year 1496‒1499.

[368] Duke Frederick II.

[369] Baumgarten.

[370] In 1649‒1653, one half already belonged to the Greeks and the other to the Latins.

[371] See excerpt for year 1370.

[372] See excerpts for years: 1370, 1464, 1494; in 1494 this chapel belonged to the Gurians (Guria, a province of West Georgia).

[373] At that time, there was not only the grave of Adam, there were also the graves of the three youths and of Melchisedek.

[374] In 1464 the discalced (barefooted) friars had “the Chapel of Our Lady”. This possibly means “our chapel”. See below, p. 220, footnote 1.

[375] Here are the years in their order: 1370, 1391, 1389‒1405, 1461, 1479, 1479‒1480, 1480‒1483, 1494, 1496‒1499, 1507 (two accounts), 1517, 1542, 1615 (after the beginning of the 17th century, the chapel was simply referred to as belonging to the Orthodox. According to Tobler (Golgotha, op. cit., p. 298), this chapel belonged to the Georgians from the 14th till the 16th century, but we see from these notes that this chapel also belonged to the Georgians in the first quarter of the 17th century.

[376] See excerpts from Francesco Suriano (15th century), p. 196; Frederick II (1507), p. 197; and H. Maundrell (1700), p. 203. Some of the pilgrims refer to the Georgian chapels in the Basilica in such a way as to make confusion inevitable. (1) Jacques de Verone in 1335: “Near the Nubian chapel in the Holy Sepulchre are other Georgian chapels” (est alia capella Georgianorum); two chapels of the Georgians are referred to here, but neither of them is name; (2) in 1464, Sebaldt Rieter’ s statement (see p. 12) that “The Chapel of Our Lady” belonged to the Latins, when he really means the Chapel below Mount Calvary, is also based on a misunderstanding; (3) Francesco Suriano (15th century) refers to the Georgian “chasse del sancto Sepulchro.” Does this mean the Chapel of the Holy Tomb (the so-called St. Kuvuklia) or some other chapel in the Holy Sepulchre?; (4) in 1507, Baumgarten refers to Georgian possessions “in several other places”. Does he mean in the Holy Sepulchre or elsewhere in Jerusalem? (I am inclined to think this refers to other Georgian chapels in the Holy Sepulchre); (5) in 1573, Leonhard Reuchwolfen confuses three entirely different chapels in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. He says they had: “the church of Mount Calvary which stood near the tomb of Our Lord Jesus Christ, on the spot where he first appeared to Mary Magdalene, dressed as a gardener, after His Resurrection.” Here are actually meant, (1) Golgotha (Mount Calvary); (2) The chapel of the Tomb; and (3) the Chapel of Mary Magdalene.

[377] St. King Mirian (3rd/4th century) — King of Kartli (former Iberia), in eastern Georgia. In 317, he was baptized along with his entire state and made Christianity the state religion. This event is commonly believed to be the actual Christianization of Georgia. Founder of the church in Mtskheta, standing on the site where the Svetickhoveli cathedral stands today. Commemorated on 1 October.

[378] St. Constantine I the Great (272‒337) — son of Constantius I Chlorus and St. Helena, Roman emperor from 306, ruled alone from 324. In 313, in Milan, he issued the Edict of Milan allowing Christians to confess freely. A few days before his death, he was baptized by the Arian bishop Eusebius of Nicomedia (died in 341). On the basis of the former Greek colony of Byzantium, Constantine built a wonderful city which he called — the City of Constantine — Constantinople, the future capital of the Byzantine Empire. Memorial day 21 V .

[379] See Cagareli, pp. 89‒111; Barski, in 1726, names the Iberian King Tatian as the founder of the monastery. The name, “Tatian” originates from the incorrect interpretation of the Georgian (Megrelian) name Dadiani. Prince Dadiani restored the Monastery of the Cross in the seventeenth century, and put up a large inscription of the restoration at the entrance of the monastery church. This inscription was published by Cagareli, pp. 241‒242; Tobler, Topographie, vol. 2, p. 726 ff.; R. Vincent et F. M. Abel, p. 942.

[380] See excerpt for year 1862.

[381] See excerpt for year 1651; cf. PPS (1891): 34, about the 60 new martyrs of Kaloni: “Near the Georgian monastery of the Holy Cross is a place called Carnarium Leonis; here rest the bodies of many of these martyrs.” It is interesting that the monastery of St. John the Evangelist (the present Salvator) is also called convento della Colonna in Jerusalemme”. See Fernanda Massimiliano, Storia di Gerusalemme, vol. 2 (Rome, 1857), p. 412. The last account was written in 1559.

[382] “Pilgrimage of Saewulf,” English translation by Rev. Canon Brownlow, PPTS, London, vol. 4 (1892): 21.

[383] See Igumen Daniil’ s statement ibid., p. 185.

[384] We learn that this monastery belonged to the Georgians. From accounts written in the following years: 1106‒1107, 1170, 1185, 1225‒1237; see Путешествие Святого Саввы, архиепископа Сербского: 1225–1237 гг., published by Archimandrite Leonid, PPS (1884): 31, 36; 1231, 1253‒1254, 1335, 1370, end of the 14th century, 1420, 1421, 1451, 1464, 1465‒1466, 1480‒1483, 1493, 1493‒1499, 1507 (Duke Frederick II), 1517, 1521, 1532, 1586, end of the 16th century, 1602‒1603, 1615, beginning of the 17th century, 1608‒1634, 1634, 1651 (two testimonies), 1688, 1726, 1744, 1841, 1876, 1862. The account by Theodrich in 1172, translated by Aub. Stewart (PPTS, London, vol. 5 [1891]), in which he states that the Monastery of the Cross belonged to the Syrians is probably based on a misunderstanding; the same can be said of accounts from the following years: 1384 (“the Armenians live in the Monastery of the Cross”), 1496‒1499, 1630, 1749, 1771 (“the Greek monks live in the Monastery of the Cross”), 1521 (“live various Christians called Gophty”); in 1484, the Georgians are described as Kerchens; the Greeks could not have been meant because they were designated as the Krychens in the same documents; see excerpt for year 1484.

[385] See excerpt for year 1178.

[386] See excerpt for year 1305.

[387] An account from the year 1584.

[388] Duke Frederick II, p. 199. For some extraordinary reason, he describes the Georgian monks of this monastery as belonging to the faith of St. Paul. Of great importance for the history of the bells in the Holy Land are also the accounts of Kabatnik, 1491‒1492, ZDPV, vol. 21 (1898), and Jacob Wormser, 1541, p. 412.

[389] See excerpts for the years 1464, 1465‒1466, 14803, 1484.

[390] See ibid., p. 181, footnote1.

[391] Shota Rustaveli (the second half of the 12th century‒beginning of the 13th century) — Georgian poet, statesman, progenitor of contemporary Georgian literature, author of one of the masterpieces of world poetry, the poem Wepkhistkaosani.

[392] According to Cagareli (op. cit., p. 101), his name is Gregor, and he was an Abbot (supposed to have died in Jerusalem in 1864). According to Noroff (1862), “the Monastery of the Cross always belonged to the Georgian order of St. Basil.” Thence one may perhaps conclude that in 1862, at the time when Noroff’ s description was published in Palestine that the Georgians still inhabited the Monastery of the Cross; see also below, p. 228. See also “St. Nicholas Monastery in Jerusalem” later.

[393] Tobler, Topographie, vol. 1, p. 335, footnote 3; Cagareli, pp. 116‒17.

[394] See ibid., p. 184, § 5; also p. 196 under 15th century; p. 190 under 1489‒1571.

[395] How could the monks possibly sell the monastery? It belonged , not to them, but to the Georgian nation and Georgian church.

[396] Probably belonging to the Georgian monks; books and various effects which they had to leave behind when they were driven out.

[397] This is the description of the “sale” of this monastery, represented according to Latin sources. See Bonifacio Ragusino, Liber de perenni cultu terrae sanctae (Venice, 1875), pp. XVI‒XVIII; Elzearius Horn, Ordinis minorum Provincise Thuringiae (1725‒1744); Iconographia locorum et monumentorum veterum terrae sanciae (Rome, 1902), pp. 187‒189. From these reports, which are practically official (Bonifacius of Ragusa was the custodian of the Franciscan community in the Holy Land at that time) it is clear that the Georgians (to their credit, be it said) did not accept one penny for the monastery. Therefore, the report by Tobler (Topographie, vol, 1, p. 335, footnote 3) that “the Georgians sold the monastery to the Franciscans,” is incorrect.

[398] Le Pélerin Véritable, p. 295: “the barefooted Friars have lived in the Salvator Monastery for 55 years (ever since they were driven from the church of the Holy Communion on Mount Sion, by the unbelievers). I was told that they had bought this monastery (Salvator) from the Armenians.”

[399] For instance, Album missionis Rerrae Sanctae I, Judaea et Galilaea (Venicea, 1893), p. 23: “When they (the Franciscans) were driven from their headquarters (Church of the Holy Communion on Mount Sion) in 1551, they bought the land and the building from the Greek-Georgians.” In spite of the fact that the church of the monastery was so often repaired and restored, it has to this day (particularly the tower of the church) retained the characteristics of Georgian architecture. Count Melchior de Vogue (see Cagareli p. 117) was also of the opinion that the building of the Salvator church was not of Latin architecture.

[400] Cagareli, pp. 117‒120, George I (1014‒1027) or George II (1072‒1089) might be meant; see also Jérusalem, Recherches de topographie, d' Archéologie et d' Histoire, ed. P.P. Hughes and F. M. Abel, vol. 20 (Paris, 1914), p. 419; ibid., vol. 4 (1922): 423‒668; ibid. (1926), pp. 689‒1035), p. 522. “Tchamitch (Armenian historian) place cette foundation entre 1072 et 1088.”

[401] Of the same opinion is Professor Sepp. See Neue hochuichtige Enldeckungen auf der zweiten Palestinafahrt (Munich, 1894), p. 114.

[402] The research workers, headed by Tobler, give the Georgians the advantage. Tobler, Topographie, vol. 1, p. 360, footnote 6.

[403] See ibid., p. 206, footnote 3.

[404] According to H. Vincent and F. M. Abel, the Georgians were only able to retain this monastery for the space of one century, that is, till the end of the 12th century. The manner in which the Georgians ceded this monastery to the Armenians is not known (ibid., 522); at the close of the 15th century “the founding of the church (St. Jacob’ s) is attributed by some to St. Helena, while the other numerous buildings owe their existence to the Spaniards, who, in the foregoing century, had built a hostel there for the Spanish pilgrims. At the time of writing, all this belongs to the Armenians.” See Die Walfahrt nach Jerusalem des Herzogs Alexander, Pfalzgrafvom Rhine, in Das Heilige Land, vol. 62 (Cologne, 1913), p. 110. By “Spaniards”, he means, of course, Georgians. He probably heard the name “Iberians” and translated it as “Spaniards”; see Le Pélerin Vérilable under year 1615 and monk Serapion under year 1749. According to Serapion, the Armenians bought this monastery from the Turks (compare the case of the Salvator monastery, p. 222); see Carl Ritter’ s statement ibid., p. 210. The handing over of the monastery to the Armenians by the Georgians is supposed to have occurred before the 13th century, but it was ceded only on condition that the Armenians should pay them 80 ducats a year, though not for long. Williams, p. 455. According to Yoseliani, there should still be documents referring to this question in the patriarchial court in Jerusalem; Tobler, Topographie, vol. 1, p. 361, footnote 1; with reference to the documents supposed to be in the patriarchal archives, see also Muraviov, in Cagareli, p. 118.

[405] C. Gurmani [ex-agent de la poste francaise de la Terre Sainte], Question sur la propriete du couvent de St. Jacques à Jérusalem, reprinted from monthly Le Sion, Jerusalem (1867): 24 (in Armenian).

[406] When I visited the monastery in July‒August 1936, they told me they had a few Georgian MSS., but when I paid a second visit there, the same priests told me they had none. P. Peeters and Cagareli were also unable to see any Georgian documents.

[407] John 18:13‒24; cf. similar references in Matt 26: 57‒75; Mark 14: 53‒72, and Luke 22: 54‒71.

[408] Or prison of the Angels (1602‒1603); or Caiaphas’ and Annas’ house (1561, Wormbser, p. 410) or Monastery of the Olive Tree (Christ was supposed to have been bound to an olive tree). Tobler, Topographie, vol. 1, p. 365.

[409] “Description de la Terre Sainte par un Fanciscain anonyme,” ed. Kohler, Revue de l’Orient Chrétien, Paris, vol. 12 (1911): 19. The monastery was inhabited by monks and nuns.

[410] “Kirchens.” This stands for Georgians, not Greeks. See ibid., p. 194, footnote 4.

[411] See herein excerpts for years 1483, 1493, 1507. Georgii prioris Gemnicensis (1519, and 1602‒1603).

[412] Jacob Wormbser, “The House of Caiaphas and Annas is in the hands of the Armenians,” (1561), p. 410.

[413] According to Toobler (Topographie, vol. 1, 367), the Armenians were “probably” the first owners of the monastery: but in 1507, it was again in the hands of the Georgians. In 1556 the Armenians were again in possession, and “remained”. We cannot definitely ascertain (and Tobler also admits this) whether the Armenians were the first owners of the monastery; furthermore, this monastery did not belong to the Georgians between 1507 and 1556, as Tobler thinks, but before 1483 until 1603 (with a short break in 1561; it i also possible that in the year 1561 the Armenians were erroneously mentioned instead of the Georgians).

[414] In 1688, the House of Caiaphas and Annas belonged to the Armenians; the Armenians allowed no pilgrims into this monastery, which they surrounded with high walls (see excerpts for 1688); it is quite possible that the Armenians were trying at the time to remove all traces of the Georgians (inscriptions, pictures, etc.) from the monastery, and did not want any witnesses to the deed.

[415] This may be the Georgian Convent in Jerusalem mentioned in 1108.

[416] Cagareli, op. cit., pp. 128‒129, mentioned as no. 20, the Monastery of St. Annas, the present Bethesda of the Latins, near the Stephanus Gate, or the Greek Monastery of St. Joachim and Annas. This monastery has nothing in common with the House of the High Priest Annas. Nevertheless on page 130, Cagareli has a short account: “According to Tschudi, the Church of the Holy Angels belonged to the Georgians in Jerusalem in 1519.” As Cagareli himself does not attempt to identify this church, it is possible that the House of Annas is meant. See ibid, footnote 1.

[417] This monastery is situated in the immediate vicinity of the Bethesda, which, according to Cagareli, belonged to the Georgians in the Middle Ages (op. cit., pp. 128‒129). It now belongs to the French Government, and is under the care of the White Brethren. The Bethesda is situated between two Greek monasteries: the Praetorium and the House of Joachim and Annas; it is probable that in the Middle Ages these three monasteries formed one, and that all the ground upon which they stood belonged to the Georgians; see excerpt for year 1370.

[418] In Georgia, the worship of Our Lady is of great importance, and apart from St. George, forms the major part of the religious life of the people.

[419] John Poloner: “The first altar, by the side of the Sepulchre, belongs to the Armenians; the second, beneath a dark vault, belongs to the Georgians,” see excerpt for years 1370, 1391, 1389‒1405, 1421, 1480‒1483, and 1586.

[420] Here it does concern a sacrificial altar (probably the altar for the offertory), perhaps at this time the Georgians still had their dark corner in the Basilica.

[421] According to Cagareli (op. cit., p. 129), the Georgians still had their altar in Gethsemane in the 18th century.

[422] The Stylites probably lived in Gethsemane; see excerpts for years 808 and 1185.

[423] See excerpt for year 1421.

[424] Ibid. Cagareli does not include this monastery. See the Armenian pilgrim in the 7th century; perhaps he is thinking of this monastery.

[425] See excerpt for the 15th century; cf. also Cagareli, p. 122.

[426] See excerpt for this period. As the reason for this Francesco Suriano mentions the invasion of the Bedouins who murdered nineteen Georgian monks during 1515‒1524 (ibid., p. 132). The same is said by Janin, p. 38, and Cagareli, pp. 123‒124. During the work of restoration carried out by the Greeks in 1859, a few Georgian (probably) tombstone inscriptions were discovered. These stones are still preserved in the church under the sacrificial altar. Neither Cagareli (nor, for that matter, myself, in August, 1936), could decipher these inscriptions. I photographed them and a reproduction accompanies this work.

[427] See excerpts for years 1465‒1466; Cagareli, pp. 120‒121, 123.

[428] A Georgian archbishop, who undertook a pilgrimage to Palestine in the 17th century and left this description (Cagareli, p. 120).

[429] Probably the monastery was restored by this Princess.

[430] See excerpt for 1187, 1584, 1651, 1858.

[431] See excerpt for year 1336 and p. 209, where The Latin Kingdom is quoted.

[432] See ibid., p. 209.

[433] See excerpt for year 1185; perhaps he was also a Stylite.

[434] Cagareli (pp. 125‒126) found three Georgian inscriptions on this site. Ibid., no. 35‒37, pp. 251‒252. In August 1936, I only saw no. 35.

[435] See p. 209 ?.

[436] See excerpt for year 1185.

[437] According to Cagareli (op. cit., pp. 126‒128), we cannot be sure which of the many churches in the Laura belonged to the Georgians. A possible indication is afforded us by the Archimandrite Agrethemius (1370): “In the cave where the barbarians murdered 40 monks, is the Iberian (Georgian) church.”

[438] See excerpt for years 531, 1185, 1370.

[439] See excerpt for year 1335. According to Timote in Cagareli (op. cit., p. 129), the Georgians had their altar in Bethlehem well into the 18th century.

[440] See excerpt for year 1108.

[441] As, for instance, in 1480‒1483, Felix Fabri: “Wherein (in the Monastery of the Cross) dwell Georgian monks with their wives”; the venerable father should know that monks do not have wives; in this case, he probably meant the old women (not nuns) who lived in the monasteries and performed various duties.

[442] Perhaps some of these nuns remained in Jerusalem where was a convent for them.

[443] See ibid., p. 184, § 4.

[444] It was either the Monastery of St. Jacob or of St. John (Salvator).

[445] According to C. Schick this is the present Abu el Lassi, 12 miles distant from Jerusalem and 6 from Jericho: “the monastery or the House of Joachim.” See Mitteilungen von Baurath C. Schick über die alten Lauren und Klöster in der Wüste Juda, compiled by K. Marti, ZDPV, vol. 3 (1880), pp. 1‒41; according to Oltarzhevski, the Laura of St. Khariton is meant (PPS, vol. 44 (1896): 44).

[446] One of the most necessary tasks of Christian research in Palestine is to portray the history of the individual nations, based on accounts from pilgrim literature. My work is the first attempt in this direction. Much more information about Georgian monasteries in Palestine is needed for the completion of such a task.

[447] (*) Thanks to the courtesy of Professor Tamila Mgaloblishvili, we can publish the current list of monasteries and churches that belonged to Georgians in the Holy Land. This list is not exhaustive and does not yet include at least five monasteries:

CHURCHES AND MONASTERIES IN THE HOLY LAND BELONGING TO GEORGIANS

1. Monastery of Saint James on the mountain in the vicinity of the Citadel (5th century).

2. Saint Theodore Monastery in Bir el Qutt near Jerusalem (6th‒7th century).

3. Recently discovered monastery in Umm Leisun near Jerusalem (5th‒6th century).

4. Monastery of the Cross in Jerusalem (5th‒7th century, 11th‒17th century), nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

5. Monastery of Saint James (5th‒7th century; 11th‒12th century); nowadays the Armenian Cathedral of Saint James in Jerusalem, Armenian Quarter in the Old City.

6. Saint Simeon Monastery (Katamon) in Jerusalem (11th‒16th century); nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

7. Monastery of Saint John the Baptist in Jerusalem, Christian quarter in the Old City (13th century‒16th century); nowadays the Franciscan Monastery of San Salvatore.

8. Monastery on the Mount of Temptation near Jericho (13th century‒14th century); nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

9. Monastery of the Praetorium on Via Dolorosa in Jerusalem, Muslim Quarter in the Old City (14th century); nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

10. Monastery of Saint Thecla in Jerusalem, Christian Quarter in the Old City (13th‒17th century); nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

11. Monastery of Saint George in Jerusalem, Jewish Quarter in the Old City (13th‒17th century); nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

12. Monastery of Saint Catherine in Jerusalem, Christian Quarter in the Old City (13th‒17th century); nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

13. Monastery of Saint Demetrius in Jerusalem, Christian Quarter in the Old City (13th 17th century); nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

14. Monastery of Saint Theodore in Jerusalem, Christian Quarter in the Old City (13th‒17th century); nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

15. Monastery of Saint Nicholas in Jerusalem, Christian Quarter in the Old City (13th‒17th century); nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

16. Monastery of Saint Basil in Jerusalem, Christian Quarter in the Old City (13th‒17th century); nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

17. Monastery of the Holy Archangels, (15th‒17th century), in Jerusalem, Armenian Quarter in the Old City; nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

18. Monastery of Saint Nicholas, a metochion of the Monastery of the Cross in Jerusalem (16th century‒17th century, located near the previous one, now completely destroyed.

19. Monastery of Saint Anne (Saidnaya) in Jerusalem, Christian Quarter in the Old City (17th‒18th century); nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

20. Monastery of Saint Abraham in Jerusalem, Christian Quarter in the Old City (18th century); nowadays belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

CHURCHES AND MONASTERIES IN THE HOLY LAND SHARED BY GEORGIANS WITH OTHER COMMNIONS

1. Holy Lavra of Saint Sabbas in the Judaean desert (6th‒17th century).

2. Monastery of Saint Theodosius in the Judaean desert (6th century).

3. Tomb of the Virgin Mary and Gethsemane on the Mount of Olives (9th‒17th century).

4. Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, Christian Quarter in the Old City (10th‒18th century) — a) Golgotha; b) Chapel of Adam; c) Anastasis (Greek Orthodox catholicon); d) Chapel of St. Mary Magdalene; e) Prison of Christ; f) Chapel of Saint Helena; g) Chapel of the Invention of the Holy Cross.

5. Monastery of the Monk Hariton in the Judean Desert (10th‒11th century).

6. Monastery of St. John the Baptist on the Jordan (11th‒12th century).

7. Monastery of Prophet Samuel in Mountjoy, An-Nabi Samvil, near Jerusalem (11th‒12th century).

8. Monastery of Saint Gerasimos and Monastery of Kalamon on the Jordan (11th‒12th century).

9. Monastery of Saint John Chrysostomos in the Judaean desert (12th century).

10. Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem (14th‒18th century).

CHURCHES AND MONASTERIES IN THE HOLY LAND BELONGING TO GEORGIANS WHICH HAVE NOT YET BEEN LOCATED

1. Episcopal Cathedral in Maiuma, near Gaza (5th century).

2. Monastery of St. John the Baptist (= Dertavi) (11th‒13th century).

3. Derthuph Monastery (11th‒12th century).

4. Kappatha Monastery (11th‒13th century).

5. Devtoubani Monastery (13th‒14th century).

6. Church of Saint John the Baptist in Jerusalem, Old City (15th century) — Muristan (?)

[448] A. Cagareli mentions in his work (op. cit., pp. 89‒130) 26 Georgian monasteries in Palestine and gives their stories, often based on Georgian sources:

1. Monastery of the Cross (pp. 89‒111); 2. Holy Sepulcher, Golgotha, Basilica of the Resurrection (pp. 111‒116); 3. St. John the Theologian (Salvator) (pp. 116‒117); 4. James Zebedee (pp. 117‒120); 5. St. Thecla

(p. 120); 6. St.  icholas in Jerusalem (pp. 120‒121); 7. Demetrius (ibid.); 8. Saint Basil (ibid.); 9. St. Catherine (pp. 121‒122); 10. St. Teodorów (ibid.); 11. St. Jerzy (ibid.); 12. Patriarch Abraham (p. 122); 13. Monastery of the Introduction to the Temple, inhabited by nuns (pp. 122-123); 14. Another monastery of St. Nicholas, near the Monastery of the Cross (ibid.); 15. St. Simeon (pp. 123‒124); 16. St. Judge Samuel (pp. 124‒125); 17. Georgian monastery (ibid.); 18. St. John the Baptist in the Jordanian Desert (pp. 125‒126); 19. St. Saby (pp. 126‒128); 20. St. Anna (pp. 128‒129); 21. Georgian monastery, rebuilt by Emperor Justinian (p. 129); 22. Lazów Monastery, rebuilt by Justinian (p. 129); 23. Georgian altars in Bethlehem and Gethsemane (p. 129); 24. Georgian chapel in the Holy Sepulcher, Chapel of the Discovery of the Cross, Mater Dolorosa and the Church of St. Angels (p. 130); 25‒26. Georgian sources mention two other monasteries (unidentified): Kapapa, Kaphata or Kappala and the Shneti monastery. Regarding the latter, Cagareli believed (since the vowels of the word sueli = column) that it was the monastery of St. Simon Słupnik near Antioch, where Georgians also lived (ibid.). As for the words Kapapa, Kaphata or Kappala, I consider them to be erroneous and should be Gabbaq © (John 19:13), pronounced by Georgians as Kappata. If this supposition is correct, it is not about some unknown monastery, but probably a Praetorium that belonged to Georgians.

Georgians were in Palestine as early as the 5th century. It is notable that later Christians in Georgia had to travel to Palestine through the Muslim territories. In the period from the 3rd to the 6th century, there was probably a Georgian cemetery in Jerusalem.

[449] The Greek Journal Νέα Σιών, Jerusalem, vol. 11 (1910): 132‒134.

[450] More than half of the Greek possessions in the Holy Land were originally Georgian. The Georgians fought many battles with the Mohammedans in defense of the Holy Land. No other country has given more than Georgia, but what did Georgia give from this sacrifice?

[451] Throughout the history of the Georgian Church, I have not found a single mention of gratitude from the Greeks! (G. Peradze, “Georgian Influences on the Cultures of the Balkan peoples,” Georgica 1 (1936): 2‒3, 14‒23).

[452] Georgians received this monastery from Saladin after 1187; earlier it probably belonged to Georgians, but was confiscated by the Latin Americans during the Crusader times, see excerpt from 1187.

[453] According to Georgian sources, this monastery was built by the Georgian monk Prochore in the 11th century (or only renovated), see: L. Vincent, Jérusalem. Recherches de topographie, d'archéologie et d'histoire, p. 942.

[454] This monastery was probably built in the mid-5th century by Peter the Iberian for his countrymen.

[455] According to Armenian pilgrims, in the 7th century, this monastery belonged to Georgians.

[456] Unfortunately, the monasteries of St. Theodora, St. Demetrius, St. Thecla and St. Catherine are not mentioned by pilgrims. According to Georgian sources, they were built by Georgians, see A. Cagareli, “Памятники грузинской старины в Святой Земле и на Синае,” in Православный Палестинский Сборник (1888), pp. 120‒122. In the years 1551‒1559 they also owned the monastery of St. John and seven other monasteries in Jerusalem.“Памятники грузинской старины в Святой Земле и на Синае,” in Православный Палестинский Сборник (1888).

[457] Rather, it was the Greeks who received the monastery of St. Thecla from Georgians at the beginning of the 17th century, see: A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Αναλεκτα ιεροσολυμιτικης σταχυολογιας, vol. 3 (St. Petersburg, 1897), p. 70.

[458] Georgians were on Golgotha Mountain as early as 1950. The Orthodox pilgrim who mentioned churches in Jerusalem, unfortunately, did not specify to whom they belonged. Churches in Jerusalem in 1586: St. John the Baptist, St. James, St. Demetrius, St. George, St. Theodore Tyron, St. Basil the Great, St. Nicholas, St. Michael, St. John the Theologian, St. Catherine, St. Anna, St. Thecla, St. Euthymius and the Church of Our Lady. You can compare another testimony from the second half of the 15th century: “There are also other monasteries in Jerusalem: St. John the Baptist, St. Demetrius, St. Nicholas, St. John the Theologian, St. Basil the Great, Archangel Michael, St. Catherine, St. Euthymius and St. Thecla. Monasteries belong to Orthodox Christians,” quoted in Восемь греческих описаний святых мест XIV, XV и XVI вв., ed. A. I. Papadopoulo-Kerameus, trans. P. W. Biezobrazow, PPS, vol. 19 (1903): 164, wypusk 56.

[459] “In Cyprus, Georgians live under the jurisdiction of the Greek bishop and have their own monastery near Alamino in the Mazoto District” — E. Rey, Les Colonie Franques de Syrie Au XIIeme et XIIIeme siècle (Paris, 1883), p. 93. “In Famagusta (on Cyprus) there are many Christian sects that have their own churches and serve in them… Georgians also live here” (James of Verona, 1335). According to James of Bern (1346‒1347), Georgians (Jörgies) live in Famagusta on the island of Cyprus, see: Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach dem Hl. Lande, ed. R. Röhricht and H. Meissner (Berlin, 1881), p. 52.

[460] According to E. Rey (Les Colonie Franques de Syrie Au XIIeme et XIIIeme siècle, pp. 93-94), “about 60 monks live in the monastery of St. Simon Slupnik on the Miraculous Mountain near Antioch… some of them are the posts. Georgians have their own bishop and are completely independent of the Patriarch of Antioch.”

[461] Many nations live in Aleppo: Greeks, Armenians, Georgians. Their merchants in large caravans often visit Aleppo ”, see Leonhard Reuchwolfen (1573), footnote 153.

[462] 1338: “The monks and dignitaries of this country (Georgia) live according to the rule of St. Anthony and St. Makary, they also live in the monastery of St. Catherine in Sinai,” see: Ein Niederrheinischer Bericht über den Orient, ed. R. Röhricht and H. Meissner (Halle, 1886) and published as a supplement to Zeitschrift für die Deutsche Philologie, vol. 19, p. 17. According to James of Bern, “son of one of Jerusalem's Christian kings, Suanus, who also built the church in Bethlehem and renewed the Holy Sepulcher, founded the monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai” (see extract from 1346‒1347). The name Suanus causes many problems for scholars (Robinson theory: Theonas or Justinian), but it is possible that Suanus should be understood as Suanetes (Suans or Swans, Georgian tribe). According to Georgian tradition, the monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai was built by King David II of Georgia (who was, of course, also King of the Swans), see: A. Cagareli, pp. 131 ff. In 1479, Sebaldt Rieter (junior) learned from the monks on Mount Sinai that “the right hand of St. Catherine’ s is in Jorsia” (Georgia), see an extract from 1479. From 1577‒1592 we have a testimony about the church: “on the left side of the yard near the walls,” dedicated to St. George. “This church was recently restored by the King of Iberia,” see: “Павла Агиопостолита, митрополита Родского, описание Святой горы Синайской и ее окрестностей в стихах, написанное между 1577 и 1592 г.,” ed. A. I. Papadopoulo-Keramews, trans. G. S. Destunis, PPS, vol. 12 (1891): 129.

[463] According to Lionardo Frescobaldi (1384), Cairo is home to Latin Americans, Greeks, Nubians, and Georgians; among the Egyptian Mamluks there are many from the Caucasus, many of them Georgians.

[464] In 1200, Ruthenian Archbishop Antoni of Novgorod visited the Georgian monastery in Constantinople to honor the relics of St. Hiparion Liberczyk, see: PPS. We also have an interesting testimony about the life of Georgians in Constantinople (from 1579), chaplain to the court of Gerhard Schweiger (Reisebuch durch das Hl. Land [Frankfurt am Main, 1609], pp. 34‒36).

[465] The Georgians had already marched through the streets of Jerusalem with their banners during the rule of the Crusaders (see excerpts for year 1187); they had probably gained this privilege before the Crusades; see ibid., Johann, Count of Solm on p. 193; Baumgarten on p. 196, and Martinus Seusenius on p. 201.

[466] Ignatius of Rheinfelden, p. 151; according to Cotovicus (1619), the Georgians received these privileges from the Sultan of Cairo; they were merely confirmed by the Turks: Itinerarium Hierozoimitanumet syriacum Joanne Cotovico (Antverp, 1619), p. 200; in 1649 to 1653, the Greeks were already in the Holy Places of the Georgians; in 1700, the Georgians no longer had any part in the Holy Sepulchre.

[467] Compare this detailed account of Patriarch Dosytheos in the History of the Patriarch of Jerusalem (in Greek), Bucharest, 1715; compare with this Francesco Suriano (the Latin Custodian of the Holy Land) in Janin, pp. 27‒29.

[468] Until the outbreak of Russian Revolution, the richest properties in Georgia. were owned by the Greek Patriarch. That the Greek Archimandrites in Georgia received large revenues is already proved quite clearly by the fact that subsequently they nearly all became Patriarchs of Jerusalem (probably by bribery) — as was the recently-deceased Patriarch Damianos; in 1847, we hear of the pilgrimage of a Georgian princess. According to the evidence of the — unfortunately very fragmentary — documents of the Monastery of the Cross, the Georgians bequeathed to the latter, during the course of centuries, 10,147 golden dinares, 26,600 drachmas, 62,500 pieces of silver, gold worth 10,000 silver pieces, 2,181 florins, 520 Venetian florins, 2,400 miskhali, 930 ducats, 700 martchili, 120 p’uli, and 10 dangs (the words in italics represent Georgian monetary terms). See Marr, Исторический очерк Грузинской Церкви с древнейших времен, p. 118; fragments of the records of Georgian bequests to the Monastery of the Cross have also been published by Marr. See his Aghapni Jwaris Monastrisani in the Biblioteka Armeno-Georgiaca (in Georgian), Petersburg, 1914, iv.

[469] In 1370, the chapel blow Golgotha belonged to the Georgians; on the other hand, the other sanctuaries (altar in the Holy Sepulchre of Our Lady, the Monastery of the Cross, the Chapel of the Invention of the Holy Cross and of St. Helena) belonged to the Iberians; in 1391, Golgotha belonged to the Georgians and the chapel below Golgotha to the Iberians; the same occurs in 1389‒1405. The altar of the Holy Sepulchre of Our Lady belongs to the Georgians; in 1483, only the Georgians are mentioned; in 1494 we hear of the Gurians (the inhabitants of Guria, a province of Western Georgia) owning St. Helena’ s chapel. I assume the Georgians to be from western Georgia, and the Iberians possibly from eastern Georgia.

[470] See the section on the Pilgrims’ Derivation of the name “Georgia”, p. 208.

[471] See excerpts for years 1108, 1280, 1422, and 1573.

[472] 1858, the tombstones in the wall of St. Nicholas’ church. See also J.H. Iliffe and excerpt for year 1586.

[473] 1519, 1602‒1603. We are informed of a little episode which occurred in 1576; an Italian monk read the Mass in the Georgian chapel on Golgotha. This divine was prosecuted by the Georgians through the Prefect, and the Franciscan monastery was fined 1,000 ducats. “Christ once again enabled the Turks to make a large profit,” it is stated. The Georgians were not actuated by selfishness or vindictiveness, their reason being that “the Italians have for their Order the Holy Sepulchre and although they allow other Christians to enter and perform their devotions, they permit none of them (i.e. of the Georgians) to read a Mass”. In that case, why should they, the Georgians, permit it? See Reysebuch durch das Hl. Land, vol. 1‒2 (Frankfurt-am-Main, 1609), p. 118.

[474] 1347, Ludolph von Sudheim, pp. 352‒353; the Pilgrim is surprised that the graves of the Latin Kings were not destroyed by the Muhammadans. See Tobler, Golgotha, p. 148. When these graves fell into the hands of the Greeks, they were laid level with the ground; 142 gives us the inscription on the grave of King Godfrey de Bouillon; unfortunately, Tobler was not aware of the existence of this information; he therefore made a few errors in his reconstruction. Tobler, Golgotha, supplement A. See also herein, excerpt for year 1615.

[475] They do not trade with the relics in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (1347); Melchior von Seidlitz: “The Georgians are the most distinguished Christians amongst the heathen.” Reysebuch, p. 471, years 1523, 1556; the Pilgrim Barski was shown more hospitality by the Georgians than in the monastery of the Patriarchs in Jerusalem (1726); “The Georgians are kind and simple, but at the same time strong and valiant warriors” (1573, L. Reuchwolfen); in the Monastery of the Cross, the Georgian Bishop himself received and served the guests (1583, p. 200); at the entrance to the Monastery of the Cross, the Georgians had a “very beautiful fountain” (1602‒1603, p. 201; it was probably made for the delight of travellers); “The Georgian monks are very pious, they themselves labour in the fields and vineyards, receive all strangers and minister unto them” (1651); Tischendorf was hospitably served by the Georgian monks in 1846.

[476] “The Armenians used to own Mount Calvary; four years ago, the Sultan gave it to the Georgians and the King of Georgia sent gifts to him.” S. Rieter, June 1479, p. 76; 1479‒1480, Tuchern, p. 663; 1507, Frederick II; Radziwill, 1583, pp. 116‒117.

[477] The Armenians, although they are not Catholics but belong to a heretic church, give out that they are Catholics to please the Pilgrims. Jacques de Verone, 1335, p. 218. “The Armenians are followers of the Roman church; “The Georgians, on the other hand, are schismatics, 1336, p. 124; “The barefooted Brethren told us that the Armenians were good Christians.” A pilgrim in 1506, “Die Jerusalemfahrt des Caspar von Mülinen,” ed. Rh. Röhricht, Zeitschrift der deurschen morgenlἃndischen Gesellschaft (1888): 189; 1615, p. 292. At one time, the Armenians wormed themselves into the favour of the European monks to such an extent that the latter presented them with a part of the great gallery in the hope that they would recognize the supremacy of the Pope. They own that section until this day and have never troubled themselves about the Pope” (1766). See Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung (Hamburg, 1837), p. 61. For further information concerning the Armenian gallery in the Holy Sepulchre, see Tobler, Golgotha, p. 292, footnote 4; the Armenians probably did not receive this gallery till 1479.

The relations between the Georgians and the Greeks appear friendly. Two Georgian Bishops live in Jerusalem (one from the Monastery of the Cross, 1583, the other from Golgotha, 1584). In 1649‒1653, a Georgian Metropolitan celebrated Mass in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, together with the Greek Metropolitan; at the ceremony of the Holy Fire, the Georgian Bishop was locked into the Kuvuklia with the Greek Patriarchs (1608‒1934); the Georgian monks on Golgotha have the Greek monks to work for them (1593‒1594).

With reference to the Greek language used for the services in the Georgian monastery in Palestine, 1483; 1507, Georgius Prior; 1507, Baumgarten; 160-163 (p. 57); 1615 (p. 293); 1619 (Cotovicus); 1646; see Janin (op. cit., p. 36) “a characteristic sign of the downfall of the Georgian monasteries in Palestine was due to the fact that the monks employed the Greek language instead of their own national tongue. “The Greek language was used for the liturgy, according to the Pilgrims, even during the prosperous period of the Georgians in Palestine (1483). The whole report made by the Pilgrim seems to be based on a misunderstanding, the Georgians probably only said a few prayers in Greek.

[478] Compare the Georgian monasteries during the time of the Crusades; it is interesting to note that although the Latins refer slightingly to the Georgians as: “they (the Georgians) who also want to be Christians” (1483, Johann, Count of Solm, p. 167) or “schismatics” (ibid.), they nevertheless sought their help against the Muhammadans (see the letter of Pope Pelegius which the legates sent in 1221 to Avignia, “terra Georgianorum qui sunt viri catholici et potentes in armis, rogans et obsecrans ut et ipi ex parte sua guerram moveant Saracensis”) also Testimonium minore, vol. 3, p. 95.

[479] The Christians have held Jerusalem only twice since the Fall of the Latin Kingdom, in 1300, by the Georgians (see excerpts for years 1299, 1300) and to-day by the British.

It is my intention to write on The Georgian Colonies According to Georgian and Greek Sources as soon as I have collected all the necessary material.

[480] Apart from these inscriptions, the mementoes in the Georgian manuscripts., written by various monks, are also of the greatest importance for the history of the Georgian monks in Palestine. Cagareli, who produced for the first time a catalogue, unfortunately failed to include all these mementoes (see his work below). Blake, who in the years 13 December 1923 to 3 January 1297, worked in Jerusalem in the Greek Patriarchate, unfortunately also took insufficient notice of these mementoes, see his Catalogue de manuscripts géorgiens de la bibliothéque patriarcale grecque à Jérusalen in Revue de l'Orient chrétien, Paris, vol. 3 (23), no. 3‒4 (1922‒1923): 345-413, series 3(at hand I unfortunately have only the description of 33 manuscripts).

In the summer of 1936, during my work in the Greek Patriarchate in Palestine, I, on the advice of His Holiness, the Jerusalem Patriarch Tymotheos, gave my attention to these mementoes. Fortunately I was able to recover some neglected by Cagareli and Blake. Perhaps one day I shall be able to publish them.

Apart from these mementoes, the deeds of donations, the so-called Agapae, have been for the history of Georgian monasteries in Palestine of great importance. Marr had studied this important branch of the Science of History and edited a very important text, Aghapni jvaris monastrisani, (St. Petersburg, 1914) (in Georgian), in the series of the Bibliotheca Armeno-Georgica, vol. 3, 28, p 93.

The University Library in Leipzig, a bequest of Tischendorf, has, among the Georgian MSS., the parchment sheets of these little deeds. the text of these Leipzig sheets are much older than those of Palestine, edited by Marr. I possess beautiful photographs of the Leipzig sheets, and when I, time permitting, write A History of the Colonies of Georgian Monks according to Georgian sources, I shall certainly go searchingly into the question of these texts.

[481] An Arab in Jerusalem, George Siksen by name (of Georgian descent, so he stated), told me of a gravestone with a Georgian inscription which had been found during the building of a house in Jerusalem. My search for this stone, or more information regarding it, was unsuccessful.

[482] This very important travel book has already been published by Plato Yoseliani in Georgian (Tbilisi, 1852). The archbishop Timot’e descended from the family Gabashvili. E. Takaishvili mentions in Dzveli Sakart’velo (ancient Georgia), a journal of the Georgian Society of History and Ethnography (Tbilisi, vol. 1 [1909]: 36), a Bishop Timot’e Erist’avi, who also had made a pilgrimage to Palestine, and is supposed to have left a work on his travels. This one, however, may be some other, as yet unknown, Timot’e.

[483] Timote, op. cit., pp. 139, 157 (the publisher, Plato Yoseliani, mentions in a footnote the year 1698 as its date). This is a bilingual inscription, the text being given also in Greek. Tchubinashvili saw this Greek inscription “which was larger than the Georgian.” Unfortunately he did not copy them. See Plato Yoseliani, The Genealogy of the Princes Cholokashvili, and the martyrdom of St. Bidzina Tcholokashvili (Tbilisi, 1866), p. 24 (in Russian). Cagareli (see his “Памятники грузинской старины в Святой Земле и на Синае,” Pravoslavnyi Palestinski Sbornik, St. Petersburg, vol. 4, no. 1 [1888]: 250) reproduces this inscription only in Georgian (Timot’e, op. cit., p. 148).

[484] Timot’e, pp. 140, 151, footnote 86; unfortunately during the incendiary fire at the Basilica of the Holy Sepulchre by the Armenian monks in the year 1808, this inscription was destroyed. A year before the catastrophe, the Georgian monk, Lavrenti (see below), speaks of this inscription. This inscription is reproduced after the reading of Timot’e, by Cagareli (op. cit., p. 247, footnote XXI).

[485] Of the other Georgian inscriptions Timot’e speaks on pp. 148‒155 and 156‒160 of his book. This monk Lavrenti came from Imeret’I and stayed during the years 1805‒1807 in the Monastery of the Cross and repaired the old manuscripts; see A. Cagareli, op. cit., pp. 101, 171, 191.

[486] For this note see A. Cagareli, op. cit., pp. 188‒191.

[487] Quoted from the description of Blake.

[488] This inscription remained unknown to the Georgian research workers. I have copied it, and because of its value reproduce it here: - იერუსალემს ხის კარები აბია და ზედ ქართულად გიორგი მეფეს წერია (folio 314v) — “Jerusalem has wooden gates on which is inscribed in Georgian ‘King Giorgi’” (George).

[489] Giorgi Avalishvili (1769‒1850) — Georgian diplomat, writer and one of the founders of the Georgian theater. He came from a family of princes of Kakheti, grew up in Russia, helped to establish the first theater in Tbilisi in 1791, in the years 1819‒1820 traveled to the Middle East. The manuscript of the description of his journey, located in the Museum of Antiquities in Tbilisi was published: G. Avalishvili, მგზავრობა თბილისიდან იერუსალიმამდე, ed. E. Metreweli (Tbilisi, 1967).

[490] This travel book is to be found, as far as I know, in the Museum of Antiquities in Tbilisi. Cagareli speaks only of seven Georgian manuscripts which Giorgi Avalishvili had brought from Jerusalem to Georgia (according to Qonjoshvili — see below, p. 240, footnote 4). G. Avalishvili brought 15 Georgian manuscripts and books with him from Jerusalem). Unfortunately, Cagareli does not mention Avalishvili’ s book of which use has been made by Qonjoshvili.

According to Ilia Dchqonia the library of the Society for the Diffusion of Literary Knowledge in Georgia possesses the manuscript of the work of Giorgi Avalishvili entitled, A Journey to Jerusalem through Greece and back from Jerusalem to Tbilisi through Cyprus, Asia Minor, and Anatolia. This book is in two volumes of large sizes, which contain some 300 pages. See Ilia Dchqonia’ s preface to another work of Giorgi Avalishvili entitled The Sinner’ s Appeal to God (Tbilisi, 1884), p. IV (in Georgian).

[491] At least Qonjoshvili mentions two inscriptions copied by Avalishvili. (1) A very important Georgian inscription from the Monastery of Abraham in Jerusalem, of 11 September 1599 (Qonjoshvili, pp. 27‒28); (2) Avalishvili had also seen an inscription in the Monastery of the Cross. Unfortunately, however, he has not, it appears included this in his travel book, and at the time of Qonjoshvili it was no longer in existence (ibid., p. 80).

[492] In the 1830s and 1840s, Professor D. Tchubinashvili was in Palestine. He published some information on Georgian manuscript, as well as inscriptions in Palestine in his Georgian Chrestomathy (St. Petersburg, 1846), as far as I can remember, for I have not been able to acquire or borrow this Chrestomathy. Cagareli in his work (op. cit., p. 101) speaks of Nicholas Tchubinashvili, a civil servant at the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who about 1830 had collected in Jerusalem some information on the Georgian buildings and frescoes there. Plato Yoseliani refers even to this description of Tchubinashvili (see ibid., p. 237, footnote 4), also Archimandrite Leonid, p. 3, footnote 4.

[493] Porphyry (Konstantyn Uspensky, 1804‒1885) — Orthodox bishop from 1865, a well-known archaeologist, initiator and organizer of the first Russian mission in Jerusalem in 1842 and its superior during 1847‒1861, made three scientific journeys to the Middle East.

[494] Plato Joseliani (1910‒1875) — Georgian historian.

[495] Unfortunately, I have never been able to trace this journal, and I do not know how many inscriptions have been edited.

[496] The copy I received had seven pages missing, and it contained only nine inscriptions from Palestine (pp. 20‒25).

[497] An English version of Cagareli’ s work was published by Sir Oliver Wardrop entitled Professor Cagareli’ s catalogue of the Georgian Manuscripts in the Monastery of the Holy Cross at Jerusalem, in the Journal of Biblical Literature, pp. 168-179. (I possess a reprint, unfortunately without the date of publication or the volume of the journal). Sir Oliver gave in his English translation only the catalogue of the Georgian manuscripts. Into the German language has been translated only the historical research section of Cagareli’ s work: Historische Skizze der Beziehungen Gruzien zum kl. Lande u. zum Sinai, by A. Anders, with notes by Guthe, in Zeitschrift des Deotschen Palestina Vereins, Leipzig, vol. 12 (1889): 35‒73. There is also in German, Gruzinische Kolonien in Palestina, trans. from Cagareli by Guthe, ibid., vol. 11 (1888): 259‒260.

[498] A. Cagareli, op. cit., pp. 241‒252. Apart from Timot’e, whose copy of the Georgian inscription on the Partriarchal throne on Golgotha he reproduces on p. 241 (no. XXI), Cagareli makes no mention of the works of Avalishvili, Tchubinashvili, Porphyry, and Yoseliani. For the history of Georgian culture in the Holy Land, it would be of great importance if all these inscriptions (above all, those from the Dukhovnyi Viestnik, and those of Avalishvili) were published together.

[499] Almost all the inscriptions of the Monastery of the Cross were inscribed by the monks. Of the inscriptions of this monastery described by Cagareli, the following no longer exist (as ascertained by me in the summer, 1936): no. 2 (p. 243), 3 (pp. 243‒244), 5 (p. 244), 6 (ibid.), 7 (ibid.), 8 (pp. 244‒245), 9 (p. 245), 10 (ibid.), 11 (ibid.), 14 (p. 246), 15 (ibid.), 16 (ibid.), 20 (p. 247). Thus, of the 20 Georgian inscriptions that were in the Monastery of the Cross in Cagareli’ s time (in the year 1883), or rather of the 18 [for Cagareli knew no. 8 (pp. 244‒245) from the Archimandrite Antonin, and no. 18 (pp. 246‒247) from the Bishop Porphyry’ s description published in Dukhovnyi Viestnik (?)], only 5 have survived to this day. These are no. 1 (pp. 241‒243), 4 (p. 244), 12 (pp. 245‒246), 13 (ibid.), 19 (p. 247), from among which I photographed again no. 1 (Greco-Georgian), 12, and 13. No. 17 (p. 246), a grave stone inscription at the main entrance of the church, is now undecipherable. To the right of the iconostasis by the entrance into the diakonikon is an undecipherable Georgian inscription; (is this no. 18 of Cagareli?).

Altogether Cagareli has collected 37 inscriptions: 1st‒20th — from the Monastery of the Cross; 21st — that of the Patriarchal throne on Golgotha (p. 247), 22nd, — an inscription on the Redeemer’ s icon in the Church of the Resurrection of the Basilica of the Holy Sepulchre; probably they are still there; inscriptions 30‒36 had already been made known to us from Yoseliani, resp. Porphyry; inscription 37 is uncertain; inscription 30 was known from Timot’e.

[500] Piotr Alaverdeli, Mogzauroba tsm. kalaks ierusalimsa da tsm. atonis mtazed, (Tyflis, 1901), p. 223 (in Georgian).

[501] See ibid., p. 239, footnote 3.

[502] Marr found in the Church of the Resurrection of the Basilica of the Holy Sepulchre a Georgian inscription which is very difficult to read. He deciphered it as well as he could (op. cit., 48). This work of Qonjoshvili-Alaverdeli contains, among others, a very interesting piece of information: “In the year 1870 the Russians found on Mount of Olives, graves, crosses, and inscriptions. These inscriptions revealed that in the graves here rested the earthly remains of some Georgian kings. I found this information in a book written by a Russian, Aleksander Anisimov, published in the year 1899. Unfortunately they would not show me these inscriptions” (op. cit., p. 44). This information of the venerable priest is based, evidently on a misunderstanding. On Mount of Olives the Russians found, during the building of their church, resp. monastery, very old and important Armenian mosaic inscriptions. In the Monastery Museum there is the old, well-known gravestone with a Hebraic inscription of the Hebrew King Hosea. It is possible that some of the pilgrims confused the Armenian, resp. old Hebraic writing with Georgian (this confusion occurs quite often, even among the educated). I do not know this work of the Russian priest Aleksander Anisimov, but I do possess a work of another priest of the same name, published in the year 187 (in Qonjoshvili one should evidently read 1877 instead of 1899). The book is called: Extracts from a Travel Diary in Jerusalem and other Holy places in Palestine (in Russian), by Father Aleksander Anisimov (Kharkov, 1877). On pp. 167‒168 Anisimov describes the old graves on Mount of Olives, but he does not speak of the Georgian kings (or generally of any king). On p. 48 of this book is found a curious piece of information; “On the 29th day of June we came to Lotokia (should read Latakia, the ancient Laodycea in Syria); around this town are ruins of castles. We were shown, among others, the castle where the Queen T'amar had been kept prisoner.” Is here meant the famous Georgian Queen T'amar? Where did the priest Al. Anisimov obtain this information?

[503] See p. 237, footnote 1. Marr published some very important documents relative to the History of the Christian Church in Jerusalem. Such is, for instance, Antiochus Strategos, The Caplure of Jerusalem by the Persians in the year 614, in Texts and Researches of the Armeno-Georgian Philolog, vol. 9 (St. Petersburg, 1909). Cf. Nea Sion, published by Archimandrite Kallistos , Jerusalem (1909): 81 ff. (in Greek), and G. Graf, The Holy Land (Cologne, 1923), pp. 19‒29. Marr further published, in accordance with the Georgian manuscript no. 2 of the Greek Patriarchate, his famous work, “Georgi Mertchul. The Life of St. Gregory of |Khandzt’a” (written in the year 951), in Texts and Researches of the Armeno-Georgian Philology, vol. 7 (St. Petersburg, 1911) (in Georgian and Russian). The Latin translation of this work by P. Paul Peeters was published in Histoires monastiques géorgiennes (Brussels, 1923), a reprint from ABol 36‒37 (1917‒1919) (the introduction, pp. 207‒216; the text, pp. 216‒309).

[504] (*) Richard Meckelein (1880‒1948) — German philologist, professor of Caucasian and Slavic languages at the University of Berlin.

[505] The letter from Professor Dr. Richard Meckelein of the 25 November 1931. The inscription no. 1 mentioned Revas Endronikashvili. This name is known to us through Marr’ s The Agapae of the Monastery of the Cross in Jerusalem (pp. XXI, 53). No. 2 unfortunately is almost undecipherable; it is, however, dated K'oronikon 390, that is, 1702. I believe these robes are now in the Kaiser Friedrich Museum in Berlin.

[506] See J. H. Iliffe, “Cemeteries and a “Monastery” at the Y.M.C.A., Jerusalem,” reprinted from The Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine, vol. 4, no. 1‒2 (no date): 70‒80.

[507] It would be easier and less expensive if the Palestine Museum carried out excavations in the garden of the residence of the Greek Patriarch, nearer the Monastery of St. Nicholas. This place is now used by the Greeks as a rubbish heap. The inscription no. 31 (A. Cagareli, op. cit., pp. 250‒251) can now be only half seen. Archimandrite Leonid had seen here many of the gravestones with Georgian inscriptions. So at least, he declares: “In the wall of the Church (of St. Nicholas) behind the garden of the Patriarch’ s residence are gravestones with Georgian inscriptions” (see his “Jerusalem, Palestine, and Athos. The Reports of the Russian pilgrimages of the XIV‒XVII centuries,” in Transactions of the Russian Imperial Society of History and Antiquity [Moscow, January‒March 1871], pp. 8‒9, footnote 7.

[508] My countryman, Dr Dimo Tskondia, helped me very much in my work in the summer of 1936 in Jerusalem. All these photographs were taken by him, and here I offer him my heartfelt thanks.

[509] (*) Andria Gugushvili (1895‒1970) — Georgian politician associated with the nationalist party, in the years 1919‒1921 he published an information bulletin about the events in the Caucasus, in 1935‒1936 editor of the periodical Georgica. A Journal of Georgian and Caucasian Studies.

[510] (*) St. Ekvtime Takaishvili (1863‒1953) — Georgian historian, archaeologist, and social activist, saved the treasures of Georgian culture. In 2002, canonized by the Georgian Orthodox Church, commemorated on 3 January.

[511] The learned opinion of Professor Takaishvili will be placed, in each case, within quotation marks.

[512] This inscription is extremely important for the history of the title superscribed on the Cross. In Matthew this title is given as: “This is Jesus the King of the Jews,” in Mark (15:26): “The King of the Jews,” in Luke (23:38): “This is the King of the Jews,” and lastly, in John (19:19): “Jesus of Nazareth the King of the Jews.” The Christian iconography and the Church have adopted this last superscription. In our inscription the word Nazoraeus (Nazarite) is placed before the name of Jesus.

[513] The appeal is made to all the Saints represented on the embroidery.

[514] Sardali means in Georgian the General, and as a surname it is unknown to me; literally translated it means ‘the General’ s daughter… Helen’.

[515] According to Professor D. Talbot Rice, who was good enough to examine the photograph in question, the figures standing behind Adam represent David and Saul. This scene is, in the opinion of Professor Rice, “almost always employed in Byzantine iconography to depict the Resurrection as Η Ανάσταση του Χριστού. (editors’ note).

[516] Cf. Ps 45:4‒54 (chapter 70), of the English Bible. The Greek inscription, referred to above, which Professor R. M. Dawkins, of Exeter College, Oxford, was good enough to decipher for us, also represents Ps. 45:3‒4=45: 4‒5 (chapter 70). (editors’ note)

[517] See also Краткое описание обители Св.Симеона Богоприимца называемой Катамонас и находящейся близ Св. Града Иерусалима (Moscow, 1882) (a Russian translation from the Greek; quoted by Cagareli, p. 123). On p. 15 of this book (Cagareli, ibid.), mention is made of this stone. In 1883 Cagareli (ibid., 124) saw this stone “in the chancel of the church lying on the floor to the left of the altar.” Cagareli could not decipher its inscription. To the credit of the monastic authorities these stones (plate 3, figs. 1 and 2) are very carefully preserved.

[518] See also E. Takaishvili, “Antiquities of Georgia,” Georgica vol. 4‒5, no. 2 (1937): 96‒116 (editors’ note).

[519] This inscription has already been published four times; for the first time by Plato Yoseliani, probably in Dukhovni Viestnik; then again by the same scholar in “Род князей Чолокаевых и мученик св. Бидзина Чолокаев,” Dukhovni Viestnik, 5, p. 23; it was published by Cagareli in Zeitschrift des Deotschen Palestina-Vereins, Leipzig, vol. 4 (1881): 222‒223; and subsequently also by Cagareli in his work so often quoted here (pp. 250‒251). According to Yoseliani (ibid., footnote 2): “Elene was the mother of King Giorgi, who is also known under the name of Leon I. After the death of her husband in 1492 she became a nun and died in Jerusalem. She is also mentioned in diptychs of the Greek Patriarchate. That does not, however, prevent the Greeks from using her last resting place as a rubbish heap. According to Cagareli (Zeitsch. d. Deutschen Palest-Vereins) she is “undoubtedly the daughter of the Kingof Kakhet’i, David II (died in 1604), and the sister of King Teimuraz I (1605‒1648 with interruptions). In 1615 she went first to Persia and later, in 1624, to Jerusalem, where she founded the Monastery of St. Nicholas. She herself assumed a monastic life under the name Elizabeth.”

According to Yoseliani (Ibid.) this inscription is placed “on the narrow altar” of the Monastery of St. Nicholas in Jerusalem. Cagareli states that it is on socle of the altar of the St. Nocholas Monastery. I saw this inscription on the wall (not “on the narrow altar” or on its socle) of the Monastery of St. Nicholas that faces the Patriarch’ s garden. It is possible that in Archimandrite Porphyry’ s time, who brought a copy of this inscription to Russia in 1865, it was on the altar, and that later, during the restoration of the church, this altar stone was placed in the Monastery wall. If this is so, then it is not a grave stone. How then does this fit in with the important statement of the Archimandrite Leonid? (see ibid., p. 242, footnote 1).

[520] Jvarismama is the title of the principal Archimandrite of a monastery. Nikip’ore is an interesting and invigorating personality of the 17th century Georgia.

[521] It is interesting to note that the Arabic form arshimandriti (archimandrite) is used instead of the Georgian arkhimandriti.

[522] The archimandrite Nikip’ore has left us another inscription in the same Monastery of the Cross, which is also dated 1643 (A. Cagareli, op. cit., no. IV, p. 244).

[523] Dzeli (Georgian) — wood of the authentic Cross on which Christ suffered death. Combined with dcheshmariti (true), as dzelidcheshmariti it denotes the Holy Cross (literally ‘the true wood’).

[Dzeli means ‘tree’, also ‘joist’, ‘wood’; see Tchubinashvili (Tchubinov), Грузино-русско-французский словарь (1840), p. 624. Combined with dcheshmariti or not, it denotes, as this inscription shows, the cross on which Christ was crucified. Cf. Acts, X, 39, in English, where ‘tree’ is used in the sense of cross (editors’ note)].

THE ROSES OF JERICHO.DIARY OF A JOURNEY THROUGH THE HOLY LAND AND SYRIA

(5 July–28 September 1936)

Introduction by Fr. Henryk Paprocki

Publications have their fortunes, too. The Diary of a Journey through the Holy Land and Syria, which St. Grigol Peradze had written between the 5th of July and the 28th of September 1936, has for many years been known only for its fragments published in Słowo magazine. The author himself, in the article which provided a summary of his life entitled In Service to the Georgian Culture, also mentioned only the part published in Słowo. Mr. Tomasz Kuprianowicz told me in December 2005 that there was a continuation of the Diary in the newspaper Wiadomości Metropolii Prawosławnej w Polsce, issued in 1939 (more than twenty years before, I had only looked through the first numbers of the magazine and concluded that St. Grigol Peradze had not published anything in it). It was difficult to find a complete set of 1939 numbers of Wiadomości Metropolii Prawosławnej w Polsce, still finally the search ended in a success. The Diary, with some gaps (notes on seventeen days have probably never been published), is a document of extreme significance for the history of Christianity in Georgia, and for the history of the Holy Land. The title The Roses of Jericho, appeared in a footnote to the published part of the Diary in Wschód-Orient magazine, which promised the complete text would soon be published under the title. The Diary was written in 1936, when journey diary writing had already become démodé. Worth noticing are the author’s excellent style, which reveals his great literary talent, and the vast amount of information and details. I dare hope that the publication of the Diary will meet with great interest from readers.

I would like to thank all those who have helped me in editing the Diary for print, namely Ms. Keti Gomelauri of the Cultural Heritage Department and the Georgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Ms. Françoise Lhoest, translator of Russian literature in Brussels; Ms. Rachel Steiner of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem Library; Mr. Jarosław Godunow of the Polish Institute in Bukarest; Mr. Adam Halamski, Director of the Archives of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Warsaw; Father Archimandrite Jerzy Pańkowski of Jabłeczna monastery; and Father Deacon Grzegorz Cebulski from Wrocław.

The diary, “Róże Jerychońskie. Dziennik podróży do Ziemi Świętej i Syrii (9. VII.‒28. IX. 1936),” was published for the first time in Pro Georgia. Journal of Kartvelological Studies, 13 (2006), Warsaw 2006, pp. 7‒112 [Translated Dominika Oramus] on the basis of the following sources: “Z dziennika podróży po Ziemi Świętej i Syrii (5. VII.‒28. IX. 1936),” Polska Stronica Słowa, 3 (1938), no. 5‒6 of the 30th of January 1938, pp. 6‒7; no. 7‒8 of the 13th of February 1938, pp. 4‒6; no. 9 of the 27th of February 1938, pp. 6‒7; no. 12‒13 of the 27th of March 1938, pp. 5‒7; no. 14‒15 of the 10th of April 1938, pp. 5‒6; no. 16‒17 of the 24th of April 1938, pp. 7‒8; no. 18‒19 of th 8th of May 1938, pp. 6-8; Wiadomości Metropolii Prawosławnej w Polsce, 2:1939, no. 10 of the 5th of March 1939, pp. 2‒3; no. 11 of the 12th of March 1939, pp. 2‒3; no. 13 of the 26th of March 1939, pp. 2‒3; no. 14 of the 2nd of April 1939, p. 3; no. 15 of the 8th of April 1939, p. 5; no. 18 of the 30th of April 1939, p. 3; no. 19 of the 7th of May 1939, p. 3; no. 21 of the 21st of May 1939, p. 3; no. 22 of the 28th of May 1939, p. 3; no. 24 of the 11th of June 1939, p. 3; no. 25 of the 18th of June 1939, p. 3; no. 26 of the 25th of June 1939, p. 3; no. 27 of th 2nd of July 1939, p. 3; no. 28‒29 of the 9th of July 1939, pp. 2‒4; no. 30‒31 of the 23rd of July 1939, pp. 3‒4; no. 33 of the 13th of August 1939, pp. 4‒5; Erlebnisse in und um Kaja Punar, Orient im Bild, 11:1937, no. 9, pp. 33-34 (translated by Grażyna Bakota); “Betlejem. Wrażenia z pobytu osobistego,” Polska Stronica Słowa, 2:1937; no. 1 of 3 January 1937, p. 3; and “Uroczystości niepodległościowe w Aleppo. Wrażenia z podróży,” Wschód-Orient, 7:1936, pp. 43‒50.

The Diary

It was as late as during the summer vacation in 1936 that I was offered the opportunity to satisfy my desire, which I had felt for many years not only as a monk but also as a Christian literary history researcher, to visit the Holy Land, this country, which had witnessed both the greatest tragedy and the best moments in history of all humanity. Indeed, Palestine, especially Bethlehem, where the Savior of the World had seen the daylight as a baby, was simultaneously the cradle of the science, of which I was a representative. It was at that place where the Blessed Jerome[1] had written the first work in this field of study in 392. Great Christian writers had lived in the country, and the results and fruits of their work had become authoritative for the entire Church. Last but not least, I was interested in the country as a Georgian. Since time immemorial, as the beautiful and pious traditions have it, contacts between Georgia and the Holy Land dated back as far as the time of Our Lord Jesus Christ.[2] The Christian religion was brought to Georgia from Jerusalem,[3] and the liturgical practice of the Church of Jerusalem has been used in Georgia ever since.[4] Early mentions on Georgian pilgrimages and Georgian monasteries in the Holy Land date back as far as the 5th century.[5]

The Greek Patriarchate’s library had one hundred and sixty two Georgian manuscripts,[6] and, as people who had travelled in the Holy Land reported, very old Georgian documents had been preserved in various monasteries in Palestine.[7] It was worthwhile to embark on the journey even for the possibility to see, take pictures of and study all this. However, the times were very turbulent; the Arab-Jewish conflict interrupted my work, especially my travelling in the country. Nevertheless, I managed to go almost everywhere, yet I had to shorten my stay from three to two months and spend the rest of the time, i.e. three weeks, in Syria, which had a very good effect on my work. Actually, the conflict had made the atmosphere extraordinary and exciting there. I had the opportunity and reason to think various things over, which would have never crossed my mind in peacetime.

It has always been true that a man in danger more readily shows his spiritual nature, opens his heart to the ones he trusts or to those from whom he expects some kind of help or moral support. At such times, he is more grateful, yet at the same times less trustful.

I left Warsaw on Monday the 29th of June. On my way, I stopped in Kołomyja at a Georgian lieutenant’s place; we had been friends at the seminary in Tbilisi, and I had not seen him for eighteen years or so.[8] I boarded the ship to Haifa, the “Polonia”, on Wednesday, the 1st of July. Among the passengers there was a group of Polish teachers, who were going to see Palestine, Syria and Egypt during three weeks. Obviously, other passengers were mostly travelling individually. In the train from Kołomyja I had met a man, who had done me many favors, but for whose advice I would have not been able to manage in Haifa. The man was Jewish, yet he was trying to conceal this fact from everyone (even from me).

The ship was full of Jewish emigrants, going from various countries, especially from Poland, to Palestine.

Sunday the 5th of July

Our ship reaches Haifa. The Holy Mount Carmel, where among others Prophet Elias, one of the most interesting characters of the New Testament, lived and worked, can be seen from a great distance.

Almost the entire mountain belongs to the Catholic monks, Carmelites. Orthodox Christians have an attractive monastery and quite a large area of land on the mountain, as well. Haifa was not on my itinerary; I wanted to go to Jerusalem on the same day.

The only passengers in the train, which departed in the afternoon to Jerusalem were Jews, mostly going to Tel Aviv. For this reason there were more guards in the train, in case any attacks happened on the way, and at the place where the tracks ran among the rocks, a plane was circling above us. I would not describe the mood as overly panicky. Obviously, people in the compartments were talking about Arabs. The landscape was exciting, oriental. Wild deserts could be seen next to well-cultivated land with splendid gardens and plantations. Beautiful villas were close to Arabs’ dilapidated shacks. A nomadic Arabian tribe had set up their camp along the railway track, and the sorry sight of those almost naked people presented an even sharper contrast with their well-dressed close neighbors, Jews.

A young Arab entered the compartment at Tul Karem station. At first he distrustfully glanced at the company sitting there, and clearly gave me a penetrating look. He obviously wanted to figure out whether I was Jewish or not. When his stare had become overly obtrusive, I started a conversation with him. He spoke good French as he had received some education at a French Catholic mission school in Jaffa. He knew Christianity better than his own religion, and he showed me the utmost courtesy. I saw that the missionaries’ work had not been in vain and I was very glad about that. I met many Arabs like him later on. Of course, explicit Christian missionary work among the Muslim population was extremely dangerous and ineffective; still it was possible to break open a gap in their religion by bringing their children up in this way. When I was watching those people closely, reflections of a different kind crossed my mind: are they, with their polished manners and knowledge of many foreign languages, sometimes even more than ten, deep inside their hearts better than their uneducated fellow countrymen? On the contrary, they hated Europeans more than the less educated ones. I had the impression that they had studied at universities not to do ideological work and serve their nation, but in order to get better jobs and live carefree lives; the same way as we sometimes had it at home.

I am sorry for those people of the East who have so much zeal and readiness to devotion and love of ideological work, when I see that they are brought up by Christian schools in such a way that they lose contact with their nation, with its best spiritual forces and with the tradition of their past.

Meanwhile, not one but several planes were already flying above us, and all the windows had been shut. The passengers were telling one another about different things happening in the area. This reminded me of a letter I had received in Warsaw from an archimandrite from Jerusalem. He had written that eighteen bombs had been thrown into a carriage on this route several weeks before. Our train stopped at a small station. We would soon be in Jerusalem; the train was, of course, several hours late, which did not surprise anyone. With the condition the country was in, everyone was used to that.

The place is very mountainous. This brings to my mind the images of the Song of Songs, with hymns about the rocks and mountains. Still, the images are replaced with another, more momentous memory, when the Heavenly Mother once went after the happy Annunciation to Ein Kerem to visit her aunt, Elizabeth, where the most superb and the oldest hymn of the Church, the marvelous Magnificat,[9] was created. The melodies of the hymn are ringing in my ears. I cannot see or hear anything anymore; I only wish to preserve this devout mood, which gives so much heavenly serenity and so much joy. Even the Arab has become a nuisance. He has been extremely polite, trying to entertain me. Many people enter our compartment. There is no reason to be anxious about any attacks here. An elderly woman has just taken the place opposite of mine. She looks exactly like the Mother of Jesus in Mater Dolorosa[10] painted by Flemish artists. In other words, she is a mother, who is mourning and weeping. Her dry face bears the mark of many worries, work and perennial thought; and all this is crowned with heavenly joy and the sense of well-performed duties. Her look reminds me of Elizabeth, and I try to preserve the expression of her face in my imagination. She seems to be sleeping or meditating, probably thinking about her everyday concerns, expenses and her meager income. Suddenly, she turns to my Arab and says something to him. He starts laughing and cannot stop for a long while. I am very much intrigued by the dialogue, and since the Arab does not explain anything to me, I ask him about that. “It’s no big thing,” he says and goes on laughing “the stupid woman has told me that monks live behind the mountain, they all look the same, like mon père,[11] and that mon père is also similar to everyone.”

Having come to Jerusalem, I found that there were no buses or taxis there; besides it was already 7 p.m. and it was forbidden to walk in the city after that hour. I left my luggage at the station checkroom and asked my way to the Russian Mission, which was going to be my temporary place of residence here. Most of the passengers wished to stay at the station until morning; private cars had been waiting for others.

On my way I was apprehended by the police and brought to the police station. Luckily, the police station was located in the building of the Russian Mission, so I was very close to it. Thus the walk in the company of a policeman, which would have been rather unpleasant in normal times, had brought me closer to the destination. Luckily, I had preserved my railway ticket, and my passport proved that I had just come to the country, and could not know the local regulations. One of the officers was even so kind as to walk me across the street to the Mission door. Later on, I met him in Jericho, where he did me several valuable services.

At the Mission, the monks had already finished their supper, and the gatekeeper was about to close the gate. My letter had not yet arrived from Warsaw, so I had not been expected. The monk was surprised by the way I looked. When I told him I wished to see the father superior and that I would probably stay at their place, he asked me, “What is your rank, father?” “Archimandrite Grigol of Warsaw.” “Archimandrite Grigol?” he repeated very slowly, putting stress on almost every letter and watching me very attentively, probably trying to find some kind of a sign of an archimandrite. As it was difficult to find any sign at a single glance (I had neither long hair nor a long beard), he waved his hand with resignation and went to find the father superior.

Monday the 6th of July

I was woken up by the bell tolling at six in the morning. Unfortunately, the service had started while I was getting dressed. There were many elderly women in the church. Trying not to attract attention, I stood just next to the entry and was going to leave the church before the end of the service.

A few women were standing next to me. One of them did not have her right arm and was making the sign of the cross with her left hand. One woman was holding a bunch of pretzels and was giving one pretzel to every woman present in the church and asked them to pray for two souls, probably of someone of her family or other relatives. The armless woman requested two pretzels for the prayer for two souls. I also received a pretzel and thanked her politely in Russian. “Ish ty,” she said, probably thinking I was a Greek, “tak khorosho govorit po russki,”[12] and, in a patriotic rapture, she gave me another pretzel.

After the breakfast, one of the novices and I went to the railway station to pick up my suitcase. Afterwards, I was going to go to the most important Christian temple, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, to pay a visit to His Holiness, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and return home for the dinner by noon.

The Church of the Holy Sepulchre stands in the center of the walled Old City. The New Jerusalem, with broad streets, large and attractive buildings and European-style stores is behind the walls. The Russian mission is located in the new district, and is very valuable now with the large plot of land owned by it. The buildings where numerous pilgrims from Russia used to find shelter are now used as offices by the Palestinian government. The monks occupy a very small part of the buildings.

The way to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre went past various old monasteries. Three of them attracted my attention and reminded me of the time in history when a Georgian did not need wander up and down the streets of Jerusalem in search for temples; lonely, poor and strange to everyone. During those times, Georgians used to come to Jerusalem as citizens of one of the most powerful countries of the East, with flags unfurled, with joyful songs and with the national anthem on their lips. They did not seek help or protection from others; it was others who sought for assistance from them. The numerous monasteries were built to give shelter; and the ancient history and the contribution of those monasteries to the Georgian cultural heritage aroused even greater enthusiasm and desire to imitate in them.

I was about to pass by several such monasteries. The first street to the left, a little uneven, leads from the Franciscan Casa Nova to the Franciscan Monastery, the stronghold of Catholicism in Jerusalem, called Salvator. Famous as the monastery is, its history is little-known, although the Franciscans do not conceal the fact that the monastery once belonged to the Georgians and is probably the oldest Georgian monastery established by Peter the Iberian[13] as early as the 5th century.

The Franciscan Fathers tell and now write how the monastery was sold to them by the Georgians in 1551; yet the Franciscan documents tell a slightly different story.[14] The church, which dated back to the Georgian times, was demolished in 1889 (it was too small and did not have enough room for numerous pilgrims coming from Catholic countries), and the present high and huge (though not really beautiful) church was erected in its place. The design of the building (the dome) has a touch of the Georgian style. I have read that some Georgian inscriptions, which are reportedly kept in the monastery’s museum, were found during the construction work. I obviously must see them. I must get proper letters of reference from the father custodian in some way and inspect the monastery very thoroughly.

In addition to the monastery, the way to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre leads past the Basilian nuns« convent on the left side of the street and St. Theodoros Monastery on the right side of the same street; both are Georgian.[15] I must inspect the buildings as carefully as possible, too.

It was before noon; still the Church of the Holy Sepulchre was plunged in pitch darkness. Although I had read a great deal about the church and had seen many photographs of it, it seemed completely new and strange to me. I had certainly seen temples larger than it; yet this one made an unusual and strong impression with its age and the obviously invisible yet immediately perceptible power of innumerable prayers and yearnings of the so many generations that it had been a witness of. It aroused the feelings of anxiety and serenity simultaneously. Time passed very quickly at the temple; it represented the history and lives of many generations.

Not only was all this was new to me, but I myself was also new to the monks, who stood there day and night. They all turned to me at once. Some laymen offered me their services. I rejected all the proposals without hesitation and asked if someone could lead me to the patriarchate. They showed a man to me, with the reservation he had no obligation to go with me. “Of course, I know that,” I replied. “He will be paid for his service.” When I was leaving the temple, the Turkish gatekeeper asked me what my nationality was. When he found out I was Georgian, he said, “I know it from our Arabian books that your nation was very numerous and powerful here in the old times.”

Timotheos, the Patriarch of Jerusalem,[16] received me at once. There was much simplicity in his look and gestures, which is so characteristic of bishops of the East. He gave me his hand, which I kissed with respect, and told me to sit down beside him. I had a letter of recommendation addressed to him from my hierarch, His Eminence Metropolitan Dionizy,[17] written in Russian, and another letter, in Greek, from Archbishop Germanos,[18] who was the head of the Georgian parish in Paris. We talked in English, discussing the situation of the Christian Orthodox Church in Poland. An archimandrite came to the patriarch during our conversation. When he learnt that I was Georgian, he said at once, “Your Church and our Church have been in very close contact since old times.” “But in our times, too,” I replied, “the holy cathedral of Jerusalem gives very serious consideration to matters of the Georgian Patriarchate. Indeed, it was the first to recognize the restored Church of Georgia.”

They were very much concerned about the property of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem in Georgia and wondered whether they could ever regain it. “We are also very much concerned about old Georgian monasteries, which are now owned by the patriarchate, and wonder whether we can ever regain them,” I replied.

The archimandrite’s name was Narcis; he was one of the editors of the patriarchate’s scientific magazine Nea Sion. Afterwards, I met him quite often, and he was always very agreeable to me.

All my requests were very kindly fulfilled by His Holiness. I wished for much, namely: 1st) to be able to work at the patriarchate’s library during official hours; and 2nd) to be permitted to live at the Holy Cross Monastery and use its hospitality for three days. The monastery, built by Georgians, had remained in our possession the longest of all. A Georgian monk had lived there as recently as in the mid 19th century. In the Middle Ages, the monastery had been a center of Georgian culture, and our greatest poet, Shota Rustaveli,[19] had lived there as a monk. This year we celebrated the seven hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the creation of his immortal epic poem The Knight in the Panther’s Skin,[20] The poet’s image had been preserved in the monastery’s internal church; and I vainly hoped I could find his grave there by a lucky chance.

I was also permitted to spend a few days in one of the world’s most ascetic monasteries, the one in the Great Lavra of St. Sabas in the Judean Desert. What satisfied me most was the permission to celebrate services over the entire month at any monasteries and churches of the patriarchate I chose.

His Holiness appointed Father Archimandrite Callixt to be my guide and contact person. He was a graduate of the Kiev Theological Academy, and had published many academic papers by that time. He had also been the guide of our Metropolitan Dionizy and the Archbishop of Volhynia Alexy[21] during their visit to the Holy Land.

I was at the Mission shortly before noon, satisfied that all my endeavors had been successful. We are not used to punctuality at our monasteries at home; the monks live beyond time. Here, everything is done like clockwork. I am very pleased to mention this fact, which proves how well-mannered the father superior is.

The dinner proceeded in the usual way, as in other monasteries. We all waited for the father superior and prayed. During the meal, one of the novices read the life of the saint, proper for a given day, and two deacons did the table service. We prayed again after the dinner. When the dinner was over, I discovered that several monks would go to the convent in the “Upper” (Ain Karem). The next day, according to the old calendar, (24th of June) would be the anniversary of the Birth of St. John the Baptist, and the celebration would be held there at the house of Zachariah, which was owned by the Mission. I was also invited to participate in the celebration. As there was a strike, no buses were going to the monastery, and we had to go most of the way on foot. Still, such a walk could not discourage me.

We set out around three o’clock. We caught a bus that would take us to a Jewish colony, more or less halfway, and then we would have to walk five kilometers or so. Unwittingly, I thought about yesterday; I recalled the woman who reminded me of Elizabeth, the mountains, which had brought the vision of the Holy Mother’s journey to Zachariah’s house and the sounds of her sweet hymn to my mind.

The trip is very pleasant; we walk up an asphalt road, it seems to be running through a desert, which reflects the sun in shades of gold turning into red. In Georgia, such sunshine is called the “sun of the dead.” A wonderful silence is in the air. We meet nobody. This way is believed to be dangerous; yet any danger seems very remote to me. Someone starts singing a hymn, and I have the impression that this is an act of blasphemy.

Finally we see Ain Karem village, where the convent building and the towers of the Franciscan church, which is believed to be the place of St. John the Baptist’s birth, are located. Another Franciscan church, the summer house of Zachariah and Elizabeth, is on the left, on the opposite mountain. Next to the monastery, a great plot of land, the whole slope, is occupied by a Christian Orthodox convent with its own church, where a Jewish priest’s family used to live. I wish to suppress my feeling of doubt or surprise about the ancient priest, who could own three houses at the same time. What was all this for? Here, among these mountains lived the holy family and breathed this air, here was born and spent his youth the greatest “among them that are born of women.”[22] It is here where the Holy Mother came to visit Elizabeth; this is the spring she drank water from. This is enough for pious imagination.

There is a fresh grave, covered with flowers, just below the village. A hero of modern times, an Arab killed during the revolution, lies here. An old lady welcomes us in Russian. She has supplied monks in Jerusalem with goat’s milk for forty years now. From this place we can watch the nuns come down from the convent to welcome us. The convent is a several-storey building. The floors have the shape of terraces. The mother superior and a few nuns met us at the gates. The bells were tolling as we entered the yard where a three-storey guesthouse was located. We had tea and rested for a while and then the special evening service was celebrated, which was followed by the akathist[23] (a litany), which was almost entirely sung by the nuns, while we only read the oikoses.[24] The archimandrite had a miter with a cross, but we were not wearing miters. The Magnificat was sung at this special service. I had been waiting for the moment with a trembling heart. I was standing in the yard, just below the mountain; the church was too small to provide room for everyone. There were over a hundred nuns and many guests at that time. The air was still, it was not dark yet. A worker was carrying freshly baked bread on her head from the bakery to the common dining room, which was a little higher, on the upper terrace. The smell of the fresh bread mixed with the smell of incense coming from the church and with the smell of that evening, with the silence around, with the scent of hot summer flowers, which were opening their calyxes, now that the evening had come. The most wonderful of all the hymns and songs of this world was ringing out of the church and flying up to the sky.

Tuesday the 7th of July

We came back from the church very late yesterday. Two rooms were made available to us, i.e. six monks. Thus way I came to know better those, who lived with me. One of them was from Volhynia, so we obviously had a lot to tell each other and went upstairs to the roof so as not to disturb the other monks, who were praying. We could see the whole village in front of us very clearly from the roof. Lights were on here and there in the village, and we could hear the nuns making preparations for the next day in the convent itself. This place used to be full of guests in the past. There had not been so many people that day due to the riots in the country; hopefully tomorrow more people would come.

I wished I could stay a little longer on the roof, yet I had to go as I would celebrate a service the next day and had to prepare for it.

Wednesday the 8th of July

I had had a terrible sleep all night long, my head ached but I had to hold on. When I was washing I noticed a large stone with a Latin inscription in the vestibule. It had to be photographed in some way. The entire estate must have belonged to the Franciscans during the crusaders’ times, and the inscription probably dated back to those times. I guessed various old inscriptions could be found in other Russian monasteries and houses, as well. They have not been studied yet, and they could contribute to better understanding of the history of the Holy Land. This would be my duty, as the nuns were distrustful of researchers of other religions, and did not show them everything. I regretted I had not brought my camera. I would have to return to this place at some time soon.

The service had not been coming to an end yet, when I noticed some agitation in the church. Nuns were making way for someone. I discretely turned around and saw the Empress of Ethiopia[25] accompanied by two ladies and her entourage; there were a few clergymen with her. The clergymen were barefooted, and the empress and the tall ladies had only silk stockings on their feet. They did not use the privilege to sit, and were standing with great piety.

After the service, the empress and her entourage were invited to a tea party. A military man, who spoke quite good French, told me that one of the ladies was a daughter of the negus, and had been married to Ras Desta for four years then;[26] and the other lady was married to the successor to the throne.[27] I had the honor to interpret during the tea party. I was sitting next to the wife of the successor to the throne; Ras Desta’s wife was sitting on her right hand, the empress was sitting opposite us, the archimandrite of Abyssinia was sitting behind her, and the others were at some distance. The nuns wanted to seat the military man next to me, to make the conversation easier, yet the empress did not allow him to take such a place of honor. Probably the court etiquette did not permit that. The empress had a very gentle and pleasant expression on her face, one could say soulful. She was smiling in a very attractively and did not say a word. The successor’s wife did not feel like talking, either; she obviously knew a foreign language. She had a very nice little cross sign burnt on her right arm, just next to the elbow, and she was wearing a silver ring on her finger. When a nun served the soup, Ras Desta’s wife asked me in French if there were any butter or eggs in it. Probably they had a fast, too. The nuns literally had their eyes riveted on her lips when she was talking. There was an extraordinary silence, and every word could be heard even in the remotest corners of the large refectory. I explained what she wished to know. They rejoiced at the words and asked me to assure the honorable guests that the Orthodox Church prescribed fast on that day and that everything had been prepared according to the strictest rules set by the holy fathers. Regardless of this assurance, Lady Ras Destow repeated her question each time a new dish was served (sometimes on the empress’s request and sometimes spontaneously), and I had to interpret this every time, see the same expression of joy again, and assure the same again. The nuns served fruit at the end of the meal. As everything was rather expensive there, and the convent was at that time poor, the dessert consisted only of apricots from the convent’s garden. The apricots had not yet completely ripened, which Ms. Ras Destow mentioned to me when I was politely offering her the fruit. “Does she doubt that the fruit is a fast dish?” I heard a joking voice behind me. Thank God nobody heard that.

We walked with the honorable guests after the official dinner. The officer gave me his visiting card, and I was obliged to invite him to my abode. We returned to the refectory and resumed the dinner. Tea was served in the guest rooms after this abundant double dinner; it was two o’clock and we would go home after the tea. I thanked them for the tea and went to the nearby Franciscan Monastery to see it. Unfortunately, the monastery was closed at that time. There was no help for that. I thought about seeing St. John’s hermitage, which was more or less one and a half hours’ walk away. The saint had been imprisoned in the cave there by Herod.[28] He had sent his disciples from there to ask Christ “Are You the One who is to come, or should we expect someone else?” (Matt 11: 3). Medieval pilgrims had described the hermitage with great passion. Unfortunately, I did not know the way to it. I had to find more experienced companions. I returned to the guestrooms, where the entire company were still having tea, and made the proposal. The nuns and monks were anxious; reportedly, this was a very dangerous adventure, and nobody had visited the hermitage for a long time. Despite the reservations, two monks, Englishmen by descent, who had converted into Orthodoxy several years before, agreed to go there with me. One of them, Igumen Nicholas Gibbes,[29] an elderly man at that time, had been a tutor of the successor to the Russian throne and had lived among the Tsar’s family for more than a decade. He was a very sophisticated man. The second one was a young hieromonk,[30] with long red hair and a beard. One more monk, a young novice, joined us. One of the nuns was told to show us the shortest way to the hermitage.

We were striding through the convent’s land. The road was very rough, or to be more precise, there was no road at all. I could see some debris at the top; it was the place where the construction of a large cathedral had begun before the war. The convent had no fence, so bandits often assaulted and robbed nuns at night. No fence had been put up in the previous good times; and now, obviously, it was very difficult to do. The nun bade us farewell. We had to stay to the right side. We had been walking for quite a long time and could not see any path leading to the right. We seemed to have missed it. Finally we met an Arab. I asked him in very poor Arabic how we could get to Saint John’s hermitage. He was very kind to leave his work (he had been building a goat barn) and led us back to the right path. We were walking through a village. We could not see a soul. We had to cross a small bridge. A few Arabs were sitting there. When the elder of them saw us, he asked us in Russian, “To Saint John’s hermitage?” and showed us the way. Several boys went at us demanding bakshish. The old Arab rebuked them in Arabic so that they left us alone.

The monastery door was locked, and the building itself was surrounded with a stone wall. Catholic monks, who were more practical than Orthodox ones, lived there. In this country one needed to erect a wall first, and then put up a building or make a garden inside. Walls were the only evidence where people did not have any written documents to prove their title to property. How much property had the Greek Patriarchate lost merely because the estate owned by it had not been walled. The gatekeeper, a Christian by his look, kissed our hands. He came from Nazareth. Brother Augustin did not appear, so we walked by ourselves accompanied by the young man. There was nothing extraordinary there. A small cave adapted for a chapel; yet we all were enchanted by the beautiful view that stretched out from this place.

A black man had been waiting for us at the gates. It had appeared that he worked as a caretaker for the nuns, and had been sent to accompany us. He was absent from the convent when we were leaving. He spoke some Russian, yet he was silent most of the way. When we were approaching the Arab village again, little boys attacked us, throwing stones at us. Our guide was very brave in defending us; he was throwing stones and shouting Arabic words at the youngsters. Thank God, the dangerous passage was rather short. The boys were not courageous enough to persecute us outside that territory, further away from their homes. Such behavior is typical of dogs; they never attack strangers in territories, which do not belong to their masters.

After breakfast I went to visit Archimandrite Callixt, who received me very warmly and showed me the Greek St. Constantine and Helen Monastery, the largest one in Palestine. The monastery was the center of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, and the patriarch himself lived there.

The monastery was located on a large plot of land, just next to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. It also occupied the land of the former Georgian monasteries, of St. Demetrius and St. Thekla. The old churches of the monasteries were still standing, yet there were no other Georgian traces there anymore. The sacristan at St. Thekla’s remembered the story, which was completely unknown to the monk at St. Demetrius’s. We entered the library. The archimandrite introduced me to the library manager, Archbishop Meliton of Madaba, the second most important hierarch after the Patriarch in the Patriarchate of Jerusalem. He also gave me a very cordial reception and allowed me to use the library during the official hours, i.e. every day between 8.30 a.m. and 11.30 a.m. This was not much time. I should probably start working here next week. I asked the archimandrite to show me the Basilica of the Holy Sepulchre, which he readily agreed to. Long ago Golgotha itself had belonged to the Georgians, and an inscription in Georgian had existed at the place where Jesus Christ had been crucified as late as in the times of Cagareli.[31] Unfortunately, it had been removed and replaced with a Russian one by Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna,[32] who together with her noble husband had done much good for the Holy Land. Her husband had even once been the President of the Russian Imperial Orthodox Palestinian Society.

Thank God, Cagareli had left a photograph of the inscription. There were many chapels and corridors there. Orthodox Christians, Franciscans, Armenians, Syrians, and Copts; all they had their, smaller or larger, chapels there. The entire tragedy and the triumph of the Holy Gospel had happened exactly at this place. Here, under this roof, was Golgotha, where our Saviour had been crucified and where His Mother and St. John, and the faithful centurion (Matt 15: 39), and crowds of people had been standing. A little further was the place where He had been put into the grave and from which had been resurrected, where the graves of Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea had been, where His robes had been divided, and where St. Constantine and St. Helen had later found the three crosses. According to medieval beliefs, the graves of Adam and Melchizedek, and even the center of the entire universe was to be found here. There also were the graves of the first Latin kings; unfortunately, the inscriptions on them had been destroyed. The most famous Georgian Queen, Tamara[33], whose grave had vainly been sought for in Georgia, could also be buried here. Several chapels and Golgotha itself had once belonged to Georgians. I did not know why I was overwhelmed by unspeakable longing, which I confided to the Franciscan sacristan. He bowed very politely to the archimandrite and showed me various monuments. “The most important thing,” he told me in French, “is to try to perfect your internal life.” I kept his words as a blessing, as words inspired by the very holiness of the temple, and left the place feeling comforted.

I said goodbye to the archimandrite and went to the Polish Consul General, Mr. Zdzisław Kurnikowski,[34] I had been in Jerusalem for a long time already and I had not fulfilled my civic duty yet. A letter sent from Rome by a famous Jesuit, Father Franz Zorell,[35] was waiting there for me. We had been keeping contact as researchers. That was a letter of recommendation to the Director of the Papal Biblical Institute, which was administered by Jesuits. I received a very important message from him: old Georgian manuscripts had been found among Armenian manuscripts in Rome. They could contain significant Old Christian patristic literature documents. I was very happy to receive the message.

After dinner, I went to Gethsemane[36] to pay my respects to Father Nicholas Gibbes. We had met in Ain Karem, and had ventured together to St. John’s hermitage. It was terribly hot, and I was walking along the old walls of Jerusalem, which were very well-preserved. There was the Palestinian Museum to the left of the Damascus Gate. It was a very attractive, Palestinian-style building, which had not yet been made available to the public, by all appearances. I had to go down from the gate and then turn right. Ruined houses could be seen between the good asphalt road and the walls. Reportedly, a park similar to the one in Krakow would be planted here in the future. Behind St. Stephen’s Gate (also called St. Mary’s Gate), the road went down and to the left, crossing a ravine, to Little Galilee on the Mount of Olives. I passed the place where St. Stephen had been stoned to death. A small Greek monastery now stood at the place, bordered on the left by the Armenian Gethsemane, next to which was a basilica with Holy Mother’s Grave. The way to the basilica split into two: one road went up to Little Galilee, the Mount of Olives, and the other to Bethany, along the Franciscan Gethsemane, Siloe village and further on to Jericho. To reach the Russian Gethsemane one had to go towards the Mount of Olives and turn right a few steps later.

Father Nicholas Gibbes was at home. He lived at the very top of the monastery in a small building, which looked like a villa. The villa was tastefully furnished. It was rented by a rich and pious Englishwoman, who was deeply interested in the Orthodox Church. She had left for England several months before, and had let Father Nicholas use the house.

The villa had a veranda with a marvelous view. I could see through the furcated cypresses not only the golden domes of the main monastery church, St. Mary Magdalene’s Church, but also the domes of the church in the Franciscan Gethsemane, and, behind them, the walls of Jerusalem and the Golden Gate, sealed since the Arab times. Behind the gate was the Omar Mosque.[37] No artistic monuments had remained at St. Mary Magdalene’s Church, which was spotlessly cleaned by several nuns. Everything had been moved to the main church of the Mission; only authentic paintings by Vereshchagin[38] had remained. I kept one of them in my memory; in the morning Holy Women by the Holy Sepulchre saw an angel sitting on a stone and were talking to him. I wished to take a photograph of it, but it was already too dark in the church. Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna had been buried in a crypt here. She had been the mother superior of the St. Martha and Mary convent in Moscow and she had been killed by Bolsheviks. They had thrown her body into a shaft. Then it had been taken out from the shaft by a monk and, after a long and very burdensome journey through all of Russia, it had been brought to and buried in this church, which had once been built by her. The monk, Father Seraphim,[39] was still alive. I decided to visit him soon. The Convent of St. Mary Magdalene now belonged to the English Orthodox Church, which also had a small commune in Bethany here.

Father Nicholas was right to stick to his opinion that Jerusalem must to be a religious center, while the government and trade (and universities, except for monastery-based ones) must to be moved somewhere else. When he was seeing me off to the exit, he showed me an old road and a large stone. Remains of ancient graveyards could be seen here and there. Flowers were planted next to the stone. Father Nicholas believed Christ had said his last prayer exactly at this place. “Down there, at the Franciscans’,” he said, “it was too close to the road, and here it was quieter.” I added, “The approaching Jews and Judas could be seen better from this place; indeed the Gospel says, they could be seen from a great distance.”

As I still had some time left, I went up to the Mount of Olives to see the famous Orthodox convent. In the old times, according to Commemoratorium[40] of 808, monasteries and convents had already existed here, and Russians had found many interesting mosaics with Armenian inscriptions, dating back to the 5th through to the 7th centuries, when they had been building their cathedral in the second half of the previous century. During the war, the museum had been moved to the convent from the Russian Spiritual Mission. According to the famous archaeologist Rostovtsev,[41] the museum was quite interesting.

The road was very bad. An Arab family, which had once owned the entire Gethsemane, both the Russian and the Franciscan parts, lived on the right side, just behind Father Nicholas’s villa. Reportedly, a mosaic that showed the glorious entry of Christ riding a donkey to Jerusalem had been preserved in the basement of their house; still the family did not show the mosaic to anyone. Another Catholic monastery was located behind the house, and the ruins of an old monastery could be seen on the left side. Christ had probably prophesied the ruination of Jerusalem at this place.[42] The monastery belonged to Greeks. I entered the ruins and was wandering among the stones for a while. A fairly big adder saw me and hid under the stones. A small Arab village was situated at the very top of the mountain. Instead of heading left, I went forward misled by the inscription on a wall of one of the first houses, according to which it was the way to the convent on the Mount of Olives. However, the convent gate was closed and I had to wander about the whole village in search for the proper entry. When I was looking at the houses or, to be more precise, miserable cabins of the local people, it seemed to me they had been built on monastery debris or were attached to a large cathedral. The convent museum, unfortunately, no longer had a rich collection. The most valuable objects had been wheedled out of uneducated nuns by a cunning Armenian crook, who had made a fortune on selling them in Alexandria. When the objects had been brought from the Spiritual Mission and unpacked, the nuns were scandalized by the sight of ancient pagan idols, predominantly images of naked Hermes, Adonis and Aphrodite. The Armenian dealer had heard about that and helped the convent get rid of the scandal.

The museum mosaics had already been well-known; photographs of them had been included in several publications. I was more interested in the gravestone of the Jewish King Hezekiah,[43] which had been found somewhere in Palestine at a construction site in Russian territory. The nun who was showing me around told me that Jews were extremely excited at the site of the stone so, to avoid theft, it had been hidden in a special box and locked. The key was kept by someone else. I did not want to bother anyone; besides it was already getting late.

I took the same way back home. When I was still on the mountain, an Arab who was sitting next to a mosque invited me in Russian to come in and see a print of our Savior’s foot left before His Ascension. I had seen enough on that day and I thanked him politely.

Thursday the 9th of July

I had breakfast and went to the Papal Biblical Institute. I heard much interesting news there. Namely, my tutor, the famous Bollandist Peeters[44], had been in Jerusalem for five or six days several months before and visited, among other places, the Armenian St. Jacob’s Monastery, as somebody had told him Georgian manuscripts could be found there. For this reason Father Savignac[45] of the same Institute (French by descent) encouraged me to embark on further search in the monastery and in the monasteries near the Holy Sepulchre. I also discovered that Father Johannes Mecerian[46] of the Society of Jesus, professor at the Jesuit school in Beirut, continued his excavation work on Mons Admirabilis next to Antioch.[47] Georgian monks had lived there in the old times, and numerous Georgian monuments could be found there now. Father Savignac promised that he would send me letters of recommendation to His Excellence Custodian, father superior of the Catholic monastery located next to the Holy Sepulchre, and to the superior of the Catholic school in Jerusalem. Owing to his help I would be able to work and search for documents I was interested in among the rich Catholic collections.

I was received by Father Savignac in the institute museum room. Among other objects, a photograph taken during Jesuit excavations in the Jordan Desert was there. It showed the oldest pagan symbol, the simple star, now used by communists, surrounded with Astartes.[48]

I had still some time left before the dinner, and I went to visit the Anglican bishop in Jerusalem. I had a letter of recommendation to him, written by the famous friend of Georgia, Harold Buxton,[49] Bishop of Gibraltar. Unfortunately, the bishop was out of Jerusalem, and his assistant archdeacon received me. He told me about Georgian inscriptions in the Church of the Holy Cross, and then he gave me a letter of recommendation to the Armenians and to Canon Bridgman, who had good contacts with the Syrians. It was difficult to reach the Copts, he said. The archdeacon told me much about a Georgian knight, who was a direct descendant of the last king of Georgia. He had worked for the English in Jerusalem as a cemetery caretaker, and had recently been moved to Tiberias.

On my way home I dropped in to the Dominican Monastery. Supposedly, it was built at the same place where St. Stephen’s house had stood. The oldest mosaics, which dated back to the period before the Persian invasion (614), had been preserved in the church. The best experts in archaeology and history of the Holy Land, Fathers Vincent[50] and Abel,[51] who had a vast book collection, lived here. The American Professor Blake,[52] who had assembled the catalogue of Georgian manuscripts of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, had stayed at their place several years before. I was received by Père de Vaux,[53] who recommended that I see a Greek monastery on the Mount of Olives (Little Galilee). According to him, there was a Georgian inscription in the church. I was very glad and grateful to receive the message.

At the Mission door I met the Jesuit caretaker, who had letters of recommendation for me. He was a Russian emigrant; he had become a Catholic several years ago. I said good bye to him and entered my room, when I was informed about the return visit by the Polish Consul General. When the dinner was over, I went to the Armenian St. Jacob’s monastery; the Armenian Patriarch of Jerusalem had his office there. The monastery next to the Jaffa Gate had also belonged to Georgians in the old times. Travelers, especially French ones, had left unusually interesting reports on it. It was unclear when the monastery had been taken over by the Armenians. Very few mentions of this issue had been preserved in Georgian literature.[54]

The priest I had letters of recommendation from, to the English archdeacon, was busy as school examinations were taking place at that time. When I asked him if they had any Georgian manuscripts, at first he answered me they did not have any at all, and then he admitted they had some, but very few.

He said it would have been better for us, if the schism between the Georgian and Armenian Churches had never happened. Now Greeks had most of the monasteries, and I should first study history and monuments in those monasteries.

He set the date of our meeting for next Saturday and promised to introduce me to His Holiness, the Patriarch. As it was too early to go back home, so I went to see the Russian excavation site next to the Basilica of the Holy Sepulchre. The place had belonged to Ethiopians, who then gave it to the Russians, in exchange for which the Russian government built another monastery for them. The monastery was now situated in the Jewish Quarter, at one of the streets across Prophets Street.

The gate, through which Christ was led to Golgotha for crucifixion, had been discovered there. This great discovery had proven Golgotha was authentic. It must have been just next to the wall. I also saw foundations of old walls there; the existing walls had been erected later.

I left the place and went to the Basilica of the Holy Sepulchre. As usual, it was dark in the basilica, still it was crowded. I met the Ethiopian empress accompanied by several ladies and courtiers at the entrance.

Services were celebrated here at night, between eleven and half past two in the morning. Previously people had been able to return home from the church. Now one is obliged to spend the night there, which meant staying inside between half past six in the evening and half past five in the morning. If I received the document permitting me to celebrate services at churches the next day, I would be able to celebrate them here the same evening. For the time being, impressed by Ethiopia, I wished to find an Ethiopian I knew, and I went to their monastery. There were several monks in the yard; still I was unable to communicate with any of them. They showed me their church with numerous Orthodox icons inside. Although the name of the Ethiopian I knew was familiar to them, I did not manage to learn where he lived.

I was in the Jewish Quarter, and the walk was very interesting. I even heard some people speaking Polish. I was thirsty, so I went into a Jewish shop. The shop owner was from Kolomya. When I told him I had spent a few days in his hometown, he was very glad and received me as his compatriot. It was not a very long way to the Syrian orphanage from this place. The orphanage was supported by the German mission of Pastor Schneller,[55] son-in-law of the famous scholar Tischendorf.[56] No Syrian children at all seemed to be there now, instead there were Arabs. The orphanage had still preserved its old name. I was received very kindly, and one of the secretaries, a young German, who had been working for several years there, showed various facilities to me. They had everything at there and offered practical skills to the children. They trained the children to be shoemakers, carpenters, bakers, etc.; they also had their own printing house. They were badly off due to the foreign currency restrictions in their country.

I asked the director, Pastor Schneller, if he happened to know an educated Christian Orthodox Arab, who would be able to tell me about the relations existing in the Christian Orthodox Church. The director was so kind as to give me a letter to a well-known doctor, who was deeply respected in the city.

I was having a good time there, still I had to go back home, as it would be seven p.m. soon. I was deeply moved by the words of the Armenian priest. “It would have been better, if the Georgian and Armenian Churches had remained one.” So, he also knew about the missionary work among Georgian emigrants in Paris, which was done by the local Armenian parish and the archbishop of the parish! Apparently, all Armenians shared the intention. It was very interesting for me to hear and conclude that.

Friday the 10th of July

After breakfast, I went to the monastery named Salvator. When I showed the letter from Father Savignac, I was immediately received by the custodian himself. Unfortunately, they had no remaining Georgian monuments. When the Franciscans had taken over the monastery , they had significantly expanded it, yet it was not larger than the Greek Monastery of St. Constantine and St. Helen. They gave me a guide, Father Stanisław Borkowski,[57] who came from Płock.[58] He was the first secretary of the monastery. Their quite an abundant library had two Ethiopian manuscripts and one Syrian manuscript, and a rich collection of descriptions of the Holy Land made by pilgrims. There were no Georgian traces left in the church itself.

The entire yard of the Franciscan Monastery was occupied by poor people. Jerusalem had always been known for its poor. The Franciscans gave them ten thousand loaves of bread every week. “If we do not support Christians,” my guide said, “Christianity will vanish here.” I had the impression that the local people abused their Christianity by treating it as a business. The main thing for them was to be Christians in general; the various Christian denominations did not matter to them at all. Parents readily sent their children to English schools, as graduates of such schools had a chance of finding good jobs. The fact that the children, who for instance belonged to the Christian Orthodox Church could be forced to accept the Anglican denomination at school, did not make a difference to them. The difference existed only for monks and priests. Christ was one for the ordinary people. At the time of the Orthodox Christianity boom, when Russia had been scattering its gold around the deserts of Palestine, Orthodox Christianity had flourished here (statistically). Now fortune has started smiling at the English; for both Protestantism and Catholicism made progress only at the expense of the Orthodox Church. I had met a few Anglican Arabs whose parents were members of the Orthodox Church.

I left the Salvator Monastery and went to the Catholic school in the monastery built at the place where, according to a tradition, Christ had been whipped. Unfortunately, Father Lemaire[59] was out of Jerusalem, and I was received by Father Baldi,[60] who I had already known by name. He had written, among other works, the very important Enchiridion for pilgrims in the Holy Land.[61] Currently, he was translating the work by Prof. Goussen[62] about the 7th century Jerusalem Kanonarion[63] into Italian. There was a very interesting museum in the monastery. Father Baldi told me the unusual story of a Georgian duke. More or less four years ago, one Georgian duke, who had come from Poland and pretended he was a Muslim, had studied here and had been searching for Georgian monuments. Then he had gone to Mecca, where people had discovered that he was a Christian and murdered him. Father Baldi promised to give the duke’s name to me, as he could not recall it at the moment. I was genuinely interested in this Polish Georgian’s life. He was not known in emigration circles at all.

On my way home I called in at the Armenian Catholic monastery. This was a totally new building, with no monuments.

The walls of Jerusalem were built of stones taken from demolished Christian temples. At times they had even been pulled down for stones necessary to build the wall. I could even see crosses on some stones. I saw such a stone above St. Stephen’s Gate. I had been told there were more such stones on the inner side of the walls, so that afternoon I went to wander in the old town along the walls. Unfortunately, that was not a long walk and gave no results. This was the Arab Quarter. Some youngsters saw me and started screaming “Churi, Churi” (“Priest, Priest”) and throwing stones at me. Thank God, no harm had come to me, although I was walking slowly not to show them my anxiety. There were many schools and monasteries here, still children were extremely ill-mannered. What could be the reason for that?

I was totally lost in thought and I did not notice that I had arrived in front of another Catholic monastery. The monastery was owned by the French government; the famous White Fathers lived here. It was built at the place where Bethesda had once stood. Its ruins had still been preserved. The church itself was reportedly built at the place where Joachim and Anne had lived. One of the monks, who came from Burgundy in France, very kindly showed me all the monuments in the monastery. The story of the miraculous healing of the lame man by Christ ( John 5: 1‒9) was written in all languages in front of Bethesda itself. The Georgian writing reminded me of the 18th century Latin typeface.

Still impressed by what I had just seen, I entered the nearby Greek monastery, whose church reportedly was also built at the place where Joachim’s and Anne’s house had stood. They showed me the place in the crypt beneath the church. Supposedly, there had been a chapel in the old times there. A very old icon and a mosaic floor had been found there during restoration work. We were several meters underground, the walls were wet with moisture and the air was rather stale. The family, which was rich according to the Christian tradition, could not have lived in such conditions. Maybe this had been a single-storey house which had sunk down into the basement as layers of soil and debris had piled up? After all, the gate of Our Lady’s basilica in Gethsemane had been made of a window, which had previously been above the original door, which was now buried as a result of the demolition and destruction of the buildings that had stood next to the tomb. To reach the layer of the original old Jerusalem, one would have to dig at least five or six meters down.

The service ended early in the morning. I had coffee in the rooms of the igumen of the Holy Sepulchre, the first archimandrite of the Greek patriarchate, and went to bed. The first rays of sunlight came through the window. I could hear the muezzin singing and calling the faithful to pray from the minaret. I could not fall asleep for a long while. I was thinking about what the igumen had told me. He confirmed that the Georgians had been powerful here once, but now there was no way to restore their glory. “You have lost everything due to the Armenians,” he said. “I guess it is the usual order, a man grows, flourishes and then dies…” So he believed that Georgia was already dead and that we were finished? Was it so? Was he right? Obviously, our attitude to the Holy Land, to our ancient monuments and the cradle of our old culture could not be decisive in this case. If this could not be decisive, then what could? I was searching my memory for revitalizing and inspiring forces and saw how little modesty and honesty was in our lives. Could those who wrote and read lectures be the decisive factor? Never! The nation, only the nation itself! How far I was now from the nation!

Saturday the 11th of July

Jerusalem was not well-disposed to our Lord, so it will never respect and love His disciples. A student is not above his teacher, He said himself.[64] This must remain so before He comes again.

I was at the patriarchate before dinner. I would be able to go to the Holy Cross Monastery the next afternoon. I was going to stay there for three days.

According to the Greeks, the Holy Cross Monastery was built by the saint emperor, Constantine the Great, yet there is no proof of that. Actually, it was built in the 11th century by a Georgian, Prochore.[65] Still, it cannot be excluded that he just rebuilt an already existing monastery. Different Georgian sources give contradictory information. The monastery was erected at the place where the tree of which the cross had been made had grown. Pious stories in pilgrim literature mention that the tree was planted by Lot as a sign of his penance, then it was cut down in the time of Solomon to be used in the building of the Temple of Jerusalem, yet since it was no use as a building material it was lying next to a Jerusalem gate (probably the Jaffa Gate), and passers-by used to sit on it.

The Georgian tradition has it that the first Georgian Christian king, Mirian (4th century),[66] established a Georgian village next to the monastery so that the villagers would protect the monastery and offer it various services; for that purpose he resettled several families from Georgian villages. The village still exists; it is called Malha.

I spent the whole morning at the patriarchate. I was going to visit the Armenian monastery in the afternoon. I seemed to have seen everything there, except for the Georgian manuscripts, which they allegedly did not have at all, and the treasury. The main church makes an immense impression on pilgrims, according to whom it is the most beautiful church in all Jerusalem, but for the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. In fact, it is very large, still it is decorated tastelessly. The Armenians turned to Catholicism during the Latin rule in the Holy Land, which enabled them to keep the temple. It seems to me that it was actually at that time when they took the monastery from the Georgians. Then they had every opportunity to destroy any Georgian traces. They call themselves Orthodox Christians today, and their patriarch is wearing a panagia[67] representing a two-headed eagle on his chest. In the Middle Ages, Franciscan monks had the right to celebrate masses at one of the church altars. Now, obviously, they have been removed, and I will not be surprised if an Anglican priest takes their place.

I can see a multitude of cross-shaped ornaments on the outer walls of the church. The crosses are very much reminiscent of the crosses that one sees near Parkhali and Opiza[68] in Georgia, so archaeological research of the monastery must begin with studying the crosses. A very old olive tree is growing next to the house of Caiaphas, where the church is standing now. The olives borne by the tree are sent to Echmiadzyn, where holy oil is made of them. This reminds me of a legend popular in Georgia, especially among village people, according to which Armenians in Jerusalem have a source with holy oil flowing from it. This alleged possession of a miraculous source in Jerusalem raises the prestige of the Armenian Church among uneducated people.

My guide told me the story of the monastery from the Armenian perspective and, obviously, he did not mention Georgians at all (regardless of the fact that everyone in Jerusalem was talking about their right to the monastery). He suggested I could describe and publish all this. I answered, “Oh, no, I will just write about your hospitality.” He wished to be very agreeable to me and said, “you are luckier than we are; you have your motherland, and we have no motherland. We are dispersed all over the globe, and we only have little islands everywhere.”

I wanted to spend the night by the Holy Sepulchre again, yet I was too tired by the emotions that the day had been full of. I am making plans for next week: when I return from the Holy Cross Monastery, I must work for at least one morning at the library and then go to Bethlehem. On Friday, I will go to St. Sabas Monastery in the Judean Desert with the supply caravan. Then, I shall have more time and I will be able to work without being disturbed at the patriarchate’s library for a few weeks.

Sunday the 12th of July

Today I am going to meet Father Nicholas in the Gethsemane Basilica, where the tomb of the Heavenly Mother is located. We will listen to the service there, have tea at the hospitable father’s place and go together to Bethany. We have an invitation to a small convent in Bethany, which is built at the place where Martha met Christ and told him in tears, “Lord, if you had been here, my brother would not have died.”[69] A Russian pilgrim house stood there before the war; only ruins of it have remained after the war. Now several English nuns, who have recently converted into Orthodox Christianity, live there.

Gethsemane is now owned only by Greeks and Armenians. The basilica is underground; one has to take forty eight steps down to enter it. The present entrance has been made of the window, which was earlier above the gate proper. Possibly, there was a basilica, which was then destroyed by the Persians, over the crypt. The building materials were scattered around the basilica, which raised the ground level. One must take twelve steps down to reach the original 12th century entrance. The service was celebrated in Greek. It was very dark in the basilica; only a few nuns of the Russian Gethsemane were present. One of them performed the duties of the psalmist. She even sang several prayers in Moldavian; she probably came from Moldova. I walked around the entire basilica, with a lit candle in my hand, after the service. There was nothing extraordinary or artistic inside. The Greek service was followed by an Armenian service.

At the exit I met a Franciscan, who had come out of a small building on the left hand side, i.e. from the Franciscan crypt. He appeared to be the prior of the Catholic monastery of the Holy Sepulchre. I had a letter of recommendation addressed to him. He was French, which meant he liked talking. He told me, “The Armenians and Greeks were intriguing against us with the Ottoman government, accusing us of being traitors and disloyal to the state. We have been given some rights only to avoid wars and major scandals.”

The way to Bethany, a pretty good motorway, led through Siloe village, to the left from Josaphat Valley and the Kidron stream. This straight route went through the Mount of Olives to Jericho. The second route ran through the Mount of Olives and Bethphage. Christ, according to the Gospel, had taken only the second route. Why had he kept out of the village? I was trying to find an answer to the question, and Father Nicholas, as if he guessed that, said, “It is better to keep out of the village; it has a very bad reputation.” So the reputation dated back as far as the times of our Saviour! It was so typical of the East, where everything, even bad things, had been preserved regardless of the fact that they were just next to the holy city, where so much blood had been shed in the name of goodness and virtuous life, where so many examples of genuine following of Christ had been witnessed!

On our way, we called in at the Pater Noster Monastery, the place where Christ had reportedly said the prayer for the first time. The church was still unfinished. Large stones that would be used as building material were lying in the yard. Apparently, this would be a huge building. Sheets of paper with the prayer printed in all the languages of the world were hanging in the hall.

After a twenty minute walk, Bethany came into view. The Dead Sea and the holy River Jordan were visible far away, in the distance. It was difficult to believe that this was Bethany, the village which our Saviour had been so keen to visit, where the family of two sisters and a brother, who had been his best friends, had lived. We know so little about this relationship; still the Gospel writings about it give us so much! Every word in them is so beautiful, so dear, so moving and comforting…

We could see some ruins, probably of a cathedral dating back to the crusaders’ times. A very attractive building and flat-roofed houses of local people were standing at the village entrance. A Greek convent surrounded by a blooming garden could be seen in the distance. It was standing at the very end of the village, next to the road to Jericho. The garden bordered on the desert.

Noticeably, the Christian Orthodox convent was held in high esteem and respect here. We asked an Arab how we could reach it. He showed us the way in a very polite manner and added that his child was ill and he was going to take it to the nuns the next day. I concluded from his words that the nuns had a clinic. Special medical education was unnecessary in the country to cure the sick. Almost all diseases resulted from the slovenliness of the local people; so the first and the best means of fighting them was cleanliness.

The convent had clearly been rebuilt anew; probably due to English funds. A large two-storey house with a spacious veranda, in the same style as we used to see in pictures representing Christ at Martha’s and Mary’s place, was standing here. The two mother superiors were called Mary and Martha. They were going to establish a local school for Christian Orthodox Arab girls, and to build a larger church. In my opinion, that was completely needless; they had a small and beautifully decorated house chapel, which was sufficient for them. Five or six people lived there at the most, and the chapel provided space for more than thirty. I did not wish to interfere with that. Here, in Palestine, having a attractive church was not a matter of actual needs but only a matter of honor, ambition and the sense of wealth.

During dinner, the nuns told us the story of this place. It appeared that the holy family had not lived here, instead Mary and Christ had met here. As a proof of that they showed us an inscription on a stone in the yard. The nuns had kept the stone as a great relic in a locked box. They were very kind to show it to me. The inscription was in a vulgar style of Greek, which showed that the author had not been well-educated. Doubts crossed my mind: had this stone been counterfeited by any chance to sell the worthless place in the desert for a very high price? After all, the Russian Spiritual Mission and the Orthodox Palestine Society, with their large funds and incomes, had searched like hungry wolves for such places sanctified by tradition, and had very often bought them totally without question. It was enough for an unknown Arab to tell an archimandrite he knew of (or had) an ‘antique’ that was for sale, and the clergy immediately started asking and begging him not to reveal the secret of the place to Catholics or Protestants. This was a guarantee that he would obtain as much money as he wished for from the Russian Spiritual Mission.

The nuns were looking at me as if I was an expert. They wanted me to confirm the authenticity of the inscription. I however was afraid to say anything categorically. I said the inscription on the stone was slightly too vulgar and ungrammatical, yet I hastened to add that the tradition, according to which a certain episode of our Savior’s life had taken place, was very old, which was proven by the remnants of old mosaic and foundations scattered around the ground. According to the tradition, the church had been at the place we were standing, and the cistern had been located nearby, under the church roof. I picked up a few very characteristic mosaic pieces and gave them to the mother superior to keep at the chapel. Father Nicholas advised them, in case they wanted to build a new chapel, it should be only at the place of the old one and in the same style.

It would be so good if the nuns could gather a complete collection of paintings representing Jesus at Martha’s and Mary’s home by various painters from all the epochs. I decided I would send them a copy of the painting by Siemiradzki[70] from Warsaw.

We left the convent at the hottest time of day as I was going to go that day to the Holy Cross Monastery, which was more or less half-an-hour’s walk away, yet in a totally different direction, from Jerusalem. For this reason, and to diversify our walk, we went through Siloe. The road led past the cave where St. Lazarus had been buried. It was private property, and when the owner’s son (as he seemed to me) saw us, he came closer to us and started praising the holiness of the tomb in Russian. We switched into English so that he could not understand our conversation. “Are you English?” he asked. We did not answer him, and he started cursing the English. He had a reason. The British government in Palestine did not support enterprises such as his and was actively combating beggary and all kinds of cheating and wheedling money from pilgrims. Had Russia ruled here, obviously it would have unknowingly supported such people. We were discussing that. Father Nicholas was convinced that only Russia had held the mandate to establish its protectorate in the Holy Land. Why so? It was a God-loving country, a nation which had done very much good to the same Holy Land.

We did not have any adventures in Siloe.

I needed to hurry. Father Nicholas and I parted in front of the Franciscan Gethsemane, and I went to the Mission to take anything necessary for three days.

The five-year-old map of the area around Jerusalem, which I had bought several years before, was useless. Now the monastery was almost in the town. New streets, European-style villas and attractive houses had replaced the desert. In the old days, a visit to the monastery had meant a real journey, now it was just a short walk. In normal times, one could take a bus for little money to the monastery. I needed to ask the way several times. I met mainly Jews. Everyone spoke English, but they still readily switched to the languages spoken in the countries that they had left. I asked most of them in Polish, and in most of the cases I guessed correctly they came from Poland. The monastery was at the foot of the mountain, so I could not see it at a distance. It looked like a medieval stronghold. An Arab was standing at the monastery gate. The gate was very low; one had to bend down not to hit one’s head. I was trying to begin a conversation with him. He came from Malha, the Georgian village, and was a son of the monastery caretaker. “The right to be the caretaker at this monastery belongs to our family,” he told me. “When my father is dead, my brother or I shall be the caretaker.” I wished to find out if he knew that the residents of the village reportedly came from Georgia. “Yes, we know that. But that was very, very long ago,” he added at once.

The monastery had been used in the previous century by the seminary of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, so it had been somewhat rebuilt. There was no school there anymore; only one archimandrite, one novice and several elderly people live there now. A great part of the monastery had been adapted for flats and leased to several families. Apart from them, the former metropolitan of the Autocephalous Church of Cyprus, Nikodemos,[71] lived there.

The father superior of the monastery, Igumen Joannikios, had already been waiting for me. He spoke good Russian; before the war, he had spent some time at metochion (i.e. a branch) of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem in Taganrog, in Russia. I was given the same rooms, which the patriarch occupied when he stayed at the monastery. They were upstairs, and even had a small veranda with a view of the street.

I could see from there the whole family of the caretaker go out of the gate and sit down on a nearby stone. They were talking and looking at passersby, all of whom were Jewish. Jews lived on that side, and Arabs lived on the other.

“The monastery is like the Savior’s Cross between the two criminals,” the archimandrite said. Still, according to the Gospels, one of the criminals had been saved. So which of them will be saved, Jews or Arabs?

A little boy, probably a son of the man who had been talking to me, carried out a big jug of water, and each member of the family drank from the jug. I had an attractive cypress garden in front of me. It was probably very old, carefully surrounded with a wall and barbed wire. Behind the garden, which was on a hill, were outskirts of Jerusalem. I was tired with the impressions the day had brought and I was glad to be alone. I sat in the veranda, absorbing the unusually fragrant evening air.

Monday the 13th of July

The former metropolitan of Cyprus lived under my rooms. I had met him several years ago in London. He had actively participated in a Greek uprising against the British government, and had been banished from his country. The palace of the governor of Cyprus had been burnt down during the uprising; his rich collection had vanished among the debris. The collection had included a chalice with a Georgian inscription, which he had bought in Cyprus. This might have been one of the most unique traces of Georgian monasticism in Cyprus. The present Anglican bishop of Gibraltar, Msgr Harold Buxton,[72] had told me once of this fact.

I had a Greek breakfast (a small cup of black coffee) and went to the church. It was relatively small. The mosaic floor still bore the traces of blood left after the 18th century Mahometan massacre. The walls, which had been covered with frescoes, were whitewashed. Fresco fragments could still be seen in some places. It was the place where the fresco representing our famous poet Shota Rustaveli had been painted, but it was no longer there. Cagareli at his time had taken notes of twenty Georgian inscriptions at this place;[73] I was able to find only ten. The rest were damaged. The archimandrite was very kindly disposed to my work, and even told me the plaster could be removed and the old inscriptions uncovered. However, this would be expensive. My research was not financed by any scientific institution; no one in the world supported my work, so I could not do everything at my own expense. I had to be satisfied with what was in my power.

While I was taking photographs, a man from Jerusalem came and asked about me. He appeared to be Georgian. His name was Dimo Tschondia[74]. He was a Syrian citizen. I was convinced that Providence itself had brought him to me. He was skilled in photography, so I gave him my camera. He earned his living as a doctor; he had many patients in Jerusalem. Novices sometimes had stomach problems; so knowing a doctor could prove beneficial even for the archimandrite

himself.

We were busy taking photographs all afternoon. The monastery has been described by almost every traveler, so I will not repeat all this. I am going to publish an extensive work on monuments of Georgian art; yet only one thing is worth mentioning here.

There is an entrance to a small building in the church, not far from the entry door. They showed me there the place where the tree from which the Cross was made once grew. Many icons, mainly Russian-made, hang on the walls. Only one very old painting attracts my attention. It is a sort of a map of the Holy Land. Various places are painted on it, in the same way as on the famous Madaba map.[75] After all, we know so little of the holy geography of Palestine, and we have so few sources that a serious study of this picture would be highly desirable for science.

I was strolling through the monastery garden in the afternoon, despite the terrible heat. Although the only plants in the garden were olive trees, it was very large. There were caves at the very end of the garden. One of them was quite large; it contained the Church of St. Nicholas. Cagareli had mentioned that there had been the Georgian St. Nicholas Monastery not far away from the Holy Cross.[76] Probably he had meant this church. Time had passed quickly, and the sun was about to set. Everyone was working at the monastery after the afternoon rest, and my absence had upset the monks. I saw a novice walking in the garden. When he saw me, he did not want to leave me. He told me it was dangerous to walk there alone as Arabs could come from every side. I wanted to be left alone on that land, which had been sanctified through the labor, prayer and asceticism of my elder countrymen. I wished to concentrate, to move to that epoch, to give in to contemplation. The presence of the novice disturbed me very much, and I had no other choice but to go back home with him.

The entire family were sitting next to the monastery door. The old man himself, whom everyone called Hajji (which meant he had been to Mecca) with his wife, two adult sons and several boys were there. When they saw me they rushed to me and started asking for bakshish. I sat down next to the old man. He was a descendant of the first caretakers of the monastery, who had known Georgian and had been aware of their national identity. He said, “Everyone in our village likes this monastery very much, but we are not local.”

I wanted to learn many things; still my knowledge of Arabic was insufficient. I was certain that the village had preserved some old Georgian customs and, maybe, some old Georgian words in their dialect. Some traces of the old times could probably be found in their surnames. One of his sons, Ibrahim Spira, asked me to write his name in Georgian, and Hajji Hassan told me there were ruins of a very old Christian temple in Malha, and that Archimandrite Phocius had done excavation work there and written a book about that.

The news kindled my interest; this was something concrete. The village residents must have been Christian once, otherwise why would they have a church? Hajji Hassan promised to take me to the village, and even invited me to live for a few days among his kinsmen. I wished to take photographs of them, to which they did not agree.

Gunshots could be heard all night long (similarly as last night); someone was shooting at the Jewish villas from the mountain.

Tuesday the 14th of July

I went to the church for the second time. Today I found two more inscriptions, one below the holy altar, and the other under the paintings by Panselinos, the painter of the St. Dionisos Monastery on Mount Athos (13th–14th centuries).[77] His paintings, with the characteristic Byzantine faces, are a token of his great talent and artistic sophistication, and are highly valued. There are gaps in the mosaic floor, which have been filled in with ordinary stone slabs. Are these tombstones? Many of them even have some traces of inscriptions, which have become totally illegible. The tombs of St. Joan Prochore, the founder (or restorer) of the monastery (11th century) and of others, whose names are still remembered, and maybe even of our outstanding poet, Shota Rustaveli, are possibly among them. Tradition has it that Rustaveli spent the rest of his life here. His portrait once hung on the wall to the right of the entrance.

Remembering this, I looked again at the white walls with a sigh. The archimandrite told me he had wanted to destroy the Georgian inscriptions when he had been appointed to the post. The patriarchate had not allowed him to do that, insisting that the keepsakes of the Georgian must remain there.

He asked me how Georgians had lost their leading position in Palestine. I answered him, that for many reasons ,which had befallen them at the same time. The downfall of the Georgians in the Holy Land started from the very beginning of the Turkish rule in the country. As early as 1553, the Georgians were forced to give their Monastery of St. John the Theologian to the Franciscans; that is the Turkish pasha in Jerusalem sold the Georgian monastery to them. The Turks hated the Georgians for political reasons. Georgia had fought against the Turks for its independence. Secondly, the Turks’ hatred of the Mamelukes was nothing else but hatred of Georgians, because the Mamelukes came from Caucasus and (although they were Muslims) supported and helped Georgians.

Other aspects were also added. Georgia had from the 14th century been divided into small states and weakened by struggle against its enemies, which had surrounded it on every side. Therefore, it was unable to keep its numerous monasteries outside the country in a proper condition. The monasteries fell into debt, had no money to pay their bills, so they lost their property. The hard condition of the monasteries, the high taxes the monasteries had to pay and the persecution by the Turkish government; all these facts were known in Georgia, and money was collected to support the monasteries. Still, usually robbers killed and robbed the people who carried the money. This tragedy was described by the Patriarch of Jerusalem, Dositheus,[78] who on that occasion made a list of the Georgian monasteries. Unfortunately, this essential work is still too little-known. With the exception of a few small passages translated into French by Brosset,[79] and then from French into Russian, no use has been made of this work. Our emigration circles were supposed to translate it into Georgian. I think this work, which is so essential for spreading the knowledge of our ancient history, cannot even be found anywhere in Georgia.[80]

I switch from the past to the present. Reportedly, the Greek patriarchate had debts of 500,000 pounds after the world war. The Russians had debts, too; perhaps even not much less than the Greeks had. The patriarchate and Russians, hoping the war would end well for Russia, quite recklessly borrowed money, mainly from Jews. Were it not for the British government, which has taken control over incomes of both the patriarchate and the Russian Mission and repays their debts, the Greeks and the Russians alike would have been forced to put their property up for auction. What a pity there was no British government in Palestine back then, in the times of the Georgian tragedy!

The same British government had done much good for the Holy Land itself. This has nothing to do with hysteria or sanctimony; instead much love, respect and devotion to this land, which is in a way a second homeland for all of us, may be noticed. The British have built good roads, established a water supply system in Jerusalem, and are combating beggary and robberies in the country.

After dinner, I went to the monastery cellars.

Greek monasteries do not have cellars as we understand them; they use the ground floor as a cellar. The monks live on the first floor. The ground floor does not have any external windows, sometimes it is not even divided into rooms. The ground floor walls surround the monastery on every side, so that one can enter the monastery only through one gate, which is locked before seven in the evening and is opened in the morning. I thought I might find something interesting in the cellars. The archimandrite and several monks, who had come from Jerusalem, went there with me. The father superior of the monastery was clearly there for the first time. The place had certainly not been cleaned for a century (or maybe even longer). The history of the monastery could even be reconstructed from the layers of dirt and rubbish. Some of it had been left by soldiers, as old helmets and even damaged weapons were to be found there. Could splinters and old notebooks from the times when the school had been be here below? All this lay in plenty of dust, stones and wire. I caught my cassock on something so that a large piece of it was torn off. Yet, there had to be something more, maybe tombs or real cellars, under the ground floor. Judging from the layout, the floor had probably been divided into cells. Apparently monks had lived here in the old times, despite the awful dampness and darkness.

Wednesday the 15th of July

A monk, judging from his appearance, a Moldavian, came to us in the morning. While we were having tea, he told us about various very old places in the Holy Land, which were waiting for monasteries and great chapels to be built there. He called his archimandrite a ‘walking antique’ and, as he said, he knew everything. He told us about Malha village, the place where a station on the way of carrying the Ark of the Covenant from Philistine land to Jerusalem in the times of King David had existed. This could not be excluded. This could be the reason why the chapel which Hajji Hassan had mentioned yesterday had been built there. The monk was not a well-educated person; he spoke Russian and was very certain of his information. I had the impression that I could learn a lot from him.

My fellow countryman also came. We would soon leave the hospitable monastery, and my compatriot would go with me to Jerusalem. Our way led through Qatamon,[81] a new district of Jerusalem. It was mainly inhabited by Christian Orthodox Arabs. There also was a large Greek monastery with the summer residence of the Patriarch of Jerusalem in the district. The monastery was set in the middle of a beautiful cypress garden. According to tradition, both Georgian and Greek, the monastery had also belonged to Georgians.[82] Cagareli had not found any Georgian traces (probably he had not even been to the place). The father superior of the monastery, Viktor, received us very warmly and showed us stones with Georgian inscriptions. He kept the stones under the sacrificial table. These were three stones, a big and two smaller ones. The inscriptions were perfectly legible. Mr. Tschondia (that was the name of my fellow countryman) took photographs of the inscriptions. A cemetery had been here in the old days, so more such stones could certainly be found at that place. Still, to do that, large-scale specialist archaeological research would be necessary.

The monastery is dedicated to St. Simeon, who took our Lord in his arms and said, “Sovereign Lord, as you have promised, you now may dismiss your servant in peace.”[83] The tradition has it that his house was here, and his sepulcher is shown in the monastery chapel.

The archimandrite of the Holy Sepulchre had promised to show me the treasure vault today at ten, so I needed to hurry.

Unfortunately, our clocks were slow. The archimandrite had been waiting for us for more than an hour. We had only one hour left, as the monks had dinner at noon and rest time after dinner. Cagareli had described nine objects (dresses, icons) with Georgian inscriptions that reportedly could be found there. However, I saw only four such objects, one of which had not been mentioned by Cagareli[84] with the Father Archimandrite’s permission, we took photographs of the objects. I was very keen to see the large cross, which our queen Tamara had bought from Saladin,[85] and various other objects that, even if they did not have any Georgian inscriptions on them, might come from Georgia, or could have been bought for Georgian money. Unfortunately, there was no time for that, and I had the impression that I would not have another chance to return here.

On my way back I dropped in at the St. Abraham Monastery (built at the place where Abraham had wished to sacrifice his son, i.e. not far away from the Basilica of the Holy Sepulchre). There, according to Cagareli, a Georgian inscription might be found. Unfortunately, the inscription did not exist anymore. Luckily, Cagareli had quoted it in his description.[86]

I had discovered that the father superior of the St. Sabas Monastery was in Jerusalem and I decided to visit him this afternoon. Perhaps he would take me with him on his return to his monastery.

I visited him in the afternoon and learnt that he was returning to his monastery only ten days later. He also spoke Russian. Then I went to one of the influential Christian Orthodox Arabs. It is common knowledge that the Greek Patriarchate has parishes consisting only of Arabs, while its higher-ranking clergy are exclusively Greek. For this reason, Arabs and Greeks have been in conflict since times immemorial. The Arabs do not have any rights in their own church, and obviously they wish to have them. The Greek hegemony dates back to the Ottoman rule. Then Greeks could very easily take precedence in the Patriarchate of Jerusalem. The Ecumenical Patriarch in Constantinople (the highest Christian Orthodox authority at the Port) had always been Greek and supported only his compatriots in the empire. Secondly, Greeks were then citizens of the country, which is a part of the Ottoman Empire, and it was easier for them to take precedence in Jerusalem as their church organization and traditions were better. Now times have changed to Greeks’ disadvantage. They are now foreigners in Palestine, and the British government has to support requests and interests of its own citizens first. The present patriarch is not recognized by the government, because Arabs do not recognize him. The government denies access and the right to stay to Greek monks; as a result their number is reduced every day.

On the other hand I ask myself important questions. Are the Arabs able to keep the churches under pressure from other religions in the same way as the Greeks have managed? I think that the Arabs have not matured enough for that yet. They do not have a single monk (except for one hierodeacon),[87] not to mention archimandrites or bishops. Unwilling to bring unnecessary competitors, Greek did not accept Arabs at their seminaries nor did they allow them to attend higher grades. In turn, Russia supported the Arabs against the Greeks once, yet it was not consistent in its efforts.

The conversation with the Arab I have mentioned had given me much. He did not like Greeks and claimed that they only exploited Arabs and gave them nothing in return. He told me a story, which had taken place in 1907. Arabs had beaten up Franciscans in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre because the latter had cleaned up several more meters of the church than they ought to have. Obviously, he understood the significance of the Franciscans’ behavior. He said, “The temple, where almost every Christian denomination has a little part of its own space, does not have any notary-written contract to determine which place belongs to whom. The only law is the tradition. If the Franciscans were cleaning a place that did not belong to them but to others, then that place would soon become theirs. The mere fact that they were cleaning the place yesterday would be enough to place their altar there.

The Greeks call us Arabic-speaking Greeks, but during the nationality census in 1921, when we wanted to be registered in official books as Greeks, the patriarchate did not allow it. The Greeks keep schools only for their Greek kinsmen, and for our money. Arabs can be found only among the simple, lowest-ranking clergy, while the highest ranks are reserved only for Greeks.”

We switched from the Christian Orthodox issue to those of other denominations. He had been brought up by Protestants, so he did not have much liking for Catholicism. He maintained that the Catholic Church had no right to call itself Catholic, as a half of all Christians did not belong to it at all. It would have the right only if everyone became Catholic. I wanted to convince him that the idea of one great Church itself gave the Catholic Church the right to the name. I said we must strive for a great reconciliation. “Interestingly, the term ‘Orthodoxy’ has been translated into Arabic as the “Church, which professes ‘real dogmas’ (deriving not from δόξα, ‘glory’, but from δόγμα, ‘dogma’). Our Church,” he continued, “has genuine dogmas and the very name of it in Arabic translation indicates this. Why then did the Roman Church not protest when the time was proper, if our Church misuses the name?”

The oldest Church, the Mother of all the Churches, the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate, faces many challenges. The greatest ones are conflicts with the Arabs and the attitude towards the Jews. I would like to write about the latter issue for this magazine at another time, when I am in contact with Jews.

Thursday the 16th of July

At last I have time to study the Georgian manuscripts, of which there are one hundred and sixty two, at the library in the afternoon. The first catalogue of the manuscripts was made by Cagareli, and another one by Blake in 1924. The library has the latter. A major part of the unknown manuscripts has been published by Marr.[88] Unfortunately, I do not have Marr’s publications or Cagareli’s work to hand. The patriarchate’s library has manuscripts collected from various Georgian monasteries. Only due to that have they have been preserved at all. Among them, there are writings of utmost significance for the general history of Christian literature. The Georgian collection includes inter alia the story of the destruction of Jerusalem and its temples by the Persians in 614, written by a monk of St. Sabas Monastery, Antioch the Pandectus[89]. This document, crucial for the history of the Holy Land, has been preserved only in the Georgian translation. The Georgian text published by Professor Marr was translated into Russian, German, and Greek. The Greek translation was made by Archimandrite Kallistos, who told me some monks had been crying when reading about the cruelty committed in the old times.[90] The collection also includes numerous authentic works by the Bishop of Rome, Hippolytus, the lost 4th Book of Ezra, some very important yet unfortunately still non-compiled documents, such as the manuscript of the Old Testament prophets, and the life of St. Grigol Khandzteli, the Georgian 8th century saint, containing priceless historical data on Georgia during that epoch. Georgia does not have any manuscript of that kind but for this one.

References to ktitors, that is church founders, monks and sacrifices on the margins of various manuscripts, are of great value for the history of the Georgian monasteries in Palestine.[91] Marr during his time published the notes, yet not all of them. Unfortunately, the work is not available, either in Poland or here. I need to study each manuscript, so I shall have busy mornings for more than three weeks.[92]

In the afternoon, my fellow countryman and I went to the Saydanaya Convent. According to Bishop Porphirius Uspensky,[93] a painting of the Saviour with a Georgian inscription made in 1755 could be found there. I found the painting, yet the inscription was in Greek and was already illegible.[94] When I was trying to read it with a candle in my hand, curious nuns gathered around me and watched my lips. I only managed to read one word, Anne, but that was enough to excite the women. “I have always said,” shouted one, older than others, “that St. Anne’s house was here. Now you have the proof!” Before I knew what was happening, a crowd of nuns were lying in front of the painting. This is the way legends are born in the Holy Land!

One of the nuns did not like my appearance. I did not look like a true Orthodox monk as I did not have long beard and hair. She thought I was either Catholic, or Uniate or maybe Armenian. She kept harassing me and stirring up other women against me. Thank God, they were cleverer than she was. At the exit I met the old walking ‘antique’, as they called him here. The nun asked him if I was Orthodox. After a lengthy discussion with him, she came to me and said, “You should have grown long hair and a beard before coming to us.”

I was certain I would encounter significant difficulties everywhere here.

At St. Theodores Monastery, I could not find the two Georgian inscriptions quoted by Cagareli.[95]

St. Catherine’s Monastery made the impression of a typical Russian church.

I also managed to see St. Nicholas’s Monastery. Unfortunately, nothing ancient had been left there. Valuable objects had been taken from all the churches of Jerusalem and were kept at the patriarchate.

One of the St. Nicholas Monastery walls faced the patriarch’s garden. A Georgian inscription had been preserved on it. Thank God, the inscription still existed.[96] Yet that part of the garden was used as a rubbish dump, and the ground there had risen several meters. Only a half of the inscription could be seen.

Friday the 17th of July

I had been looking for publications by Marr and Cagareli, in vain. Without them my work would not be productive.

The Spiritual Mission’s library was very rich; it occupied several buildings. One of them was used for storing only Russian editions, and the other for publications in foreign languages. I could not find a way to get access to the Russian section. They told me the books were very well catalogued there; and I could not even see the catalogue. The books must have been there since they had been published by the Palestinian Society. The other library, with foreign books, was extremely messy; all the shelves were covered with dust, the books had not been catalogued and were partly worm-eaten. I started looking through this valuable collection with a heavy heart. There was a cabinet full of manuscripts in Arabic. I could find almost all the volumes of Acta Sanctorum[97] and various very important theological magazines, collected until the eruption of the Great War. Still, there was nothing more, except for publications of that epoch, in the library. I guessed that the passion for science had burnt out, or more correctly, the funds had run low at that time.

What a pity we do not have such a library in Warsaw! When I told a few monks in the evening that they should take better care of the library and have a special librarian, they answered me they did not have enough choir singers, and the library did not yield any profit.

The father superior ordered the conduct of a disinfection at the library; otherwise one could catch tuberculosis there. Due to the disinfection the library it would be closed for a few days. What a pity!

Saturday the18th of July

On my way to the library I met a Jew who had come to our Mission almost every day with his workshop on his back. I had seen him a few times already, yet he had escaped my notice. Today I stopped. He stopped, too, and asked me a question in Georgian. He had already heard about me and had wished to visit me. He was a Georgian Jew. He spoke good Georgian, and I guessed he missed Georgia from his words. There were nearly two thousand of them in Jerusalem, and they still spoke Georgian. He promised me that he would try to find a way to introduce me to his fellow countrymen.

After dinner I went to visit senior officials of the former Russian Imperial Palestinian Society. The society was still very rich as it owned a lot of land and houses in Palestine and leased them to the British government. Now it supported several elderly pilgrims, who had remained there since the war, and had to donate several thousand British Pounds to the Spiritual Mission to support Russian monasteries and poor women (there were hundreds of them there), who had not returned with the last Russian pilgrimage. They had been imprisoned by the Turks during the war. Now, the communist Soviet government did not wish to accept them. Anyway, they themselves were not overly eager to return home. Nobody was waiting there for them, and they would certainly be worse-off there than in Palestine, where they could live in the former pilgrim hotels and received a modest subsistence allowance every month. Additionally, some of them worked and helped their elder companions. They were very religious, which prevented them from breaking down. They all very punctually came to masses every day.

The Spiritual Mission and the Palestinian Society were two totally separate institutions, independent of one another. Even now, though I regretted to state it, they were clearly at loggerheads with one another. The Spiritual Mission had bought land and properties sanctified by tradition, founded monasteries and chapels, and handled the religious life of pilgrims. In turn, the Palestinian Society had been interested in scientific issues, researching the Holy Land, publishing research papers and conducting archaeological excavations. It had had a very interesting and quite fruitful past, for instance, it had published many valuable works on the Holy Land. I also knew that old editions could be bought from them. One of our bishops, who had been to Jerusalem several years before me, had bought very valuable works, which had been bought from the Palestinian Society.

I was not lucky. I was received quite courteously, yet with some reserve. I was told they that had a small library, but the books were in one room in such a large pile that it was even impossible to enter the room. My offer of bringing the library back to order, for free, remained without a response.

I was so sorry that everything was perishing uselessly. We, in Poland, did not even have a complete editorial series published by the Society.

The antagonism between the two institutions had obviously resulted from financial issues. The Mission complained that the Palestinian Society had a lot of money and no expenses, while its situation was completely different, it had no means, and had so many old people and churches to support. The dispute had even been brought to court. As a result, the Palestinian Society must pay several thousand British Pounds to the Mission annually.

I was going to visit an influential English priest, and on my way I called in St. Basil’s Convent. Cagareli had mentioned one inscription, which he had found in the convent. Unfortunately, the inscription did not exist anymore.[98]

At the place of the English priest, Canon Bridgman, I met an English journalist, Mr. Lumby, who had accompanied Minister Eden[99] during his visit to Warsaw. Mr. Lumby told me about his impressions from Warsaw. He even knew some Polish words. His father was a well-known theologian at Cambridge.[100] So we had a lot in common.

Canon Bridgman knew the history of the Georgians in the Holy Land well, and he recommended that I to visit the Dominicans Abel and Vincent, who were experts in the subject. The new volume of the history of Jerusalem, which they were about to publish reportedly would include new documents referring to the history of St. Jacob’s Monastery, which would be favourable for the Georgians.

My compatriot was jobless; although he was a physician, he had no license to practice medicine. Instead, he had much cunning, intelligence and a passion for the history of Georgia. He had been tagging along behind me and he had already done me a few major services. We must have a representative who is a permanent resident here. Sometimes various inscriptions are found during excavation works done to erect a building, or lay a sewage system, etc. So, an educated Georgian with a knowledge of history should be domiciled in Palestine. Therefore, I try to convince him to stay here and give up the plan of going to Paris. What will he do there? Most Georgians who live there are jobless. My task is to ask the English priest to help him find a job. Canon Bridgman writes this down and promises he will do everything possible.

The day is very short here. The working hours are from nine to half past eleven and from four to half past six.

Sunday the 19th of July

Upon the personal invitation of the Armenian Patriarch, I attended a special service, the so-called Liturgy of St. Jacob, at the Armenian Cathedral of St. Jacob the Apostle. I was standing next to the patriarch’s lectern following the Armenian text of the liturgy, watching with great interest how this very old liturgy, which I had written about in my research paper published several years before,[101] was celebrated in practice. After the service, I was invited to dinner by the patriarch. We were talking, partly in French and partly in Armenian, about the Christian Orthodox Church in Poland and also about the life and history of the Polish Armenians.

After the dinner, I went to the monastery of the German Benedictines, called Dormitio. The monastery was not far from the former Franciscan temple, in the building where the Last Supper had taken place. Unfortunately, the place had been owned by the Muslims since the 16th century.

A German monk was showing me the monastery, when in a crypt I met an excursion of Polish teachers, with them I had had nice time on the Polonia ship. They had returned from Egypt, and stopped for a few days in the Holy Land to go directly to Poland from there. I joined them. Father Borkowski, a Franciscan from Płock, the first secretary of the Franciscan central office in Palestine was showing the excursion around.

We left the place and, despite the heat, went through narrow, winding and very dirty streets to the Wailing Wall. Next to this Jewish sacred place, located among Arab buildings, we noticed a dozen or so Arab youngsters, who were very eager to know if there were any Jews among us. Since the very beginning of the Arab-Jewish conflict, Arabs had not allowed access for Jews to the Wailing Wall.

Obviously, there were no Jews among us.

One of the insider Franciscans revealed a ‘great secret’ to us, saying that the monument would soon be taken over by the Franciscans. Why? This purely Jewish sacred place did not have any other value, except archaeological, for Christians.

I walked with the Polish teachers to Casa Nova (a Franciscan hotel for pilgrims), where most of them stayed as the Polish House had appeared to be too small to accommodate them all. They invited me to come for dinner the next day. After the dinner, we would take a donkey ride to Bethlehem.

Monday the 20th of July

I had been working all morning at the Greek Patriarchate’s library, and exactly at noon I came to Casa Nova, where I waited for more than an hour for the excursion, which had been going from temple to temple across Jerusalem from the morning.

The dinner at Casa Nova and the living conditions of Fathers Franciscans brought to mind a comparison with the way our monks lived at the Spiritual Mission. We still ate only tinned fish sent from such distant places as Baghdad. Nothing could be bought in Jerusalem itself, except for bread. Orthodox monks were wandering about the corridors like ghosts. After all, that was their own fault, or, to be more precise, the fault of their economic mismanagement. They, too, had substantial property in Palestine, and could subsist on it in no worse way than Franciscans did.

When the dinner was over, we mounted our donkeys, or some of us horses, and rode to Bethlehem through the Jaffa Gate. I had an extremely bad donkey, lazy and slow. I regretted that I had not gone on foot. We were riding along a very attractive route, which was shaded by old olive trees. Beautiful villas were be seen here and there on both sides of the road.

The distance to Bethlehem was no longer than ten kilometers. I had the impression that we could have arrived there sooner if we had walked.

Halfway through our ride, we saw the Greek Orthodox Monastery of St. Elias on the left, and on the right of the road, just before the entry to Bethlehem, we saw Rachel’s tomb, controlled by Jews, which was closed due to the Arab-Jewish conflict. We rested next to the tomb, waiting for those who had been left behind.

Seeing my problems with the stubborn donkey, one of the excursion members was very kind and gave me his horse. “It is not right for you as a Georgian to enter the town riding a donkey,” he said.

Our ‘cavalcade’ attracted everyone’s attention in the streets of Bethlehem. Women sitting at the thresholds of their houses were looking at us with curiosity. The road to the famous Basilica of Bethlehem climbed all the time. On the left hand, just next to the road, the Judean Desert began. Only a faint winding path led to the Lavra of St. Sabas, one of the most ascetic Christian monasteries.

The large square in front of the basilica was crowded with onlookers and traders selling postcards, crosses, rosaries and other devotional articles. Bethlehem is also famous for attractive nacre ware.[102] The people were talking to us in Russian.

We reached the basilica through a very low gate (approximately one meter high). It is preserved in nearly the same condition as when it was built by St. Constantine the Great and broadened by Justinian, the same condition as the blessed Jerome saw it in. Providence protected the basilica from destruction during the Samaritan uprising (6th century) and the in invasion by the Persian despot Chosroes (in 614),[103] when all temples in and around Jerusalem were razed to the ground. So the basilica is the oldest Christian church building. It belongs to the Orthodox Christians, except for the crypt, which is partly controlled by Catholics. The place where Christ was born, marked with a big silver star, belongs to the Orthodox Christians.

A superb colonnade runs through the entire basilica and ends at the feet of the pulpit. A fifteen-step marble staircase leads down to the nativity crypt. Only Orthodox Christians may use the right side of the staircase, and the left side is reserved for the Franciscans. God forbid should anyone break this rule.

Everyone devoutly kneeled down. At this sacred place, where the Saviour had come into the world, a Polish Christmas carol resounded, full of affection and devotion. This reminded me of our Orthodox carols sung in our villages. “Nebo i zemla, nebo i zemla nyne torzhestvuyut…”[104] The tune and lyrics of the carol, the simplicity and innocence of expression made everyone ecstatic, filled the soul and heart with heavenly serenity, which the angels had heralded to the shepherds and to every man who had a fondness for goodness. I imagined angels and shepherds praising Him together, the magicians following the star and the other pictures known so well from the Gospels and apocryphal texts, the meek animals gathered together around God’s Child, shepherds’ wives with village gifts, and choirs of angels…

Old mosaics had been recently discovered under the floor of the basilica. I had seen the photographs of them, but now they were covered with boards and could not be seen. Someone asked why the gate was so low? Probably to make defense of the place easier for the Christians, maybe they had lowered it purposely, to prevent Arabs from leading donkeys into the temple and tying them to the columns.

We had a good rest at the local Franciscans’ and then saw the Latin parish church, where the blessed Jerome had been one of the first father superiors. His room, where he had studied and written his research papers, still existed. I was breathing in the air of this room with the utmost respect and admiration for the erudition of one of the greatest Christian writers and scholars. That was the cell where the Vulgate and the patristic studies (392), which I represented at the University, had been created. Jerome had developed great fondness not only of research work but also of monastic life. He founded convents, with support from the Roman patricians, St. Paula and her daughter Eustochium.[105] The cell had witnessed many plots, or even had seen their birth.

The beautiful painting by Dürer[106] shows the blessed Jerome sitting deep inside the cell bent over an in folio manuscript. There is a human skull, a sign of asceticism, on the windowsill. Two lionesses are dozing at the entrance of the room, just next to the threshold. One is older, and the other is younger, as if mother and daughter. They seem to watch over the silence and success of the research work in this cell. This is a subtle allusion to the two women.

We were returning from Bethlehem even more slowly, full of beautiful impressions. The donkey I had ridden was now even more passive and phlegmatic than before, and the woman who was riding it had to push it literally at every step.

Jerusalem was in a state of siege, and any road traffic was forbidden after seven. Anyone who violated the regulation could be punished with a heavy fine or put under arrest. Our excursion guide, to prevent problems that could possibly arise due to our late return, chose the best of our horses and hastened to Jerusalem to warn the police we were coming.

It was before eight when on my way home I turned into a street and saw a policeman standing by the corner. I knew him by sight and thought he was an Arab. He greeted me politely and inquired in perfect Polish, “Reverend Father, are you satisfied with your excursion to Bethlehem?”

In contrast to Jerusalem, where memories of the cross and Golgotha were brought back at every step, Bethlehem had an air of quietness, calm and heavenly joy. The joyful hymn of angels of that marvelous night that called people to praise God on high and to work for the peace of the whole world still resounded there. This was sensed at every step, from all those devotional articles, rosaries and crosses sold in the streets. They were all white, the color of peace, innocence, purity and childhood. Bethlehem was a town of children; pure white was color of its banner.

The Franciscan monk who was showing us around the basilica, which belonged to Orthodox Christians, kept calling them ‘schismatics’. I noticed the shock that the Polish teachers felt. They were uncomfortable and offended to hear the word repeated now and then by the Catholic monk at this sacred place and in the presence of an Orthodox priest. I could see the embarrassment, shame and apologies in their eyes. At this moment, the sound of the hymn of angels touched the hearts and minds of the pilgrims who had come from the distant North.

So much simplicity, childishness and purity can be found in Christmas carols sung in distant countries, in these masterpieces of our folk. A simple man, our Orthodox peasant, meditatively bows down before the fact that Deva Neporochna urodyla Syna[107] and asks the Divine Child lying in the manger not for wealth, not for a rich harvest, not for worldly possessions, but for light, for as much light in everyday life as possible, Poshli nam tiomnym svet prosveshcheniya.[108] By light he means not enlightenment as we, educated people, understand it, not cultural and educational work with its community centers, newspapers and ambitious slogans. He means something greater, the greatest thing, searching for the truth flowing out, emanating from the Divine Child and subordinating his everyday life to this great purpose.

In general, the synthesis of my impressions from Bethlehem reminds me of a bunch of clean fresh windflowers, full of joyful spring colors.

The East is a land of contrasts; next to modern villas shaggy cabins stand, next to well dressed and well-nourished people miserable creatures wander about, next to beautiful blissful oases the desert, the ocean of sand, stretches out. Probably the most startling contrast may be seen here, in this town of children, innocence, purity and peace; praising children and murdering them. This is the place where babies younger than two were murdered. This is the place where Rachel, who had been resting in her tomb for a thousand years, was woken up by that terrible tragedy and wept, and her weeping could be heard far away from Bethlehem, as far as Ramah.[109]

Human life is governed by the Providence. I am happy it has directed me, a priest of the Christian Orthodox Church in Poland, whose duty is to educate young members of our church, to spend unforgettable moments in this land of peace and serenity with Polish teachers, whose duty is to educate younger generations in their country. We must use the peace and serenity we have experienced in the basilica of Bethlehem, which you and I need so much, in educating young people and in protecting them from everything that kills and soils the soul.

Guided by this spirit of peace during those happy days, I am sending you, my fellow companions in the marvelous and adventurous trip, my whole-hearted greetings and Memento!

Tuesday the 21st of July

Today, having returned from the patriarchate’s library, I saw one of the novices in the corridor. I was surprised to see him because several days before he had said good bye to everyone (except for me) and left for Haifa intending to go to Mount Athos. He was scandalized to hear that I had taken part in the celebration at Gornaya (Montana). He saw me as a ‘new-styler’[110] and a heretic deprived of any ‘spirituality’. Reportedly, he had protested to the prior against accepting me and told him he did not want to live under the same roof with me. His protest had greatly impressed the women, who, as it was rumored, offered him the last of their money, made cakes for him and walked him with tears in their eyes to the railway station. He was going to go to the Holy Mount Athos. However, he was punished by God on his way; everything, his passport and money, was stolen from him. Luckily, the prior of the mission was in Haifa at that time and gave him some money. The novice did not wish to spend even one hour here and, as I had heard, he was going to the Lavra of St. Sabas.

I rested for a while and went to the monastery in Little Galilee. Little Galilee is in fact nothing more but a part of the Mount of Olives. The name derives from the words of St. Matthew, according to whom Christ’s disciples went into Galilee, to the mountain where Jesus had sent them[111]. There, according to the Dominican, Father de Vaux, a Georgian inscription may be read. There is another summer residence of the Jerusalem Patriarch at the monastery. The path goes to Gethsemane and then up, next to the ascension place, to the left of the Pater Noster Monastery.

The monastery in Little Galilee occupies a very large territory and has two chapels; one is small and very old, and the other is larger, humid and reminiscent of barracks. It was probably hastily built to meet the needs of pilgrims. Father Seraphim, who brought the body of Grand Duchess Elizabeth, lives here. He used to be the confessor of the previous patriarch of Jerusalem, Damian,[112] and now he lives off Greeks.

Unfortunately, there are no Georgian inscriptions left in the monastery, instead, in the main church, there is an old cross, the one which had been standing at Golgotha until Armenians set the Church of the Holy Sepulchre on fire in 1808. The cross may be of Georgian origin, because Golgotha was previously owned by the Georgians. In some places, the wood of the cross is burnt, blackened by age and by the smoke of candles and olive oil lamps.

I visited the Polish House on my way home. It was in the old city, easy to find, as inscriptions showed the way to it right from the street. Sisters of St. Elizabeth took care of the house. The mother superior, who came from Poznań, received me quite warmly. We had a short talk (it was nearly seven, so I had to hurry) about the life in Warsaw, religious relations in Poland and in the Holy Land. I met an extremely interesting Franciscan there; we went out together.

On our way we met several Ethiopian monks, who greeted the Franciscan father. He told me that Ethiopians often came to the Sisters of St. Elizabeth chapel to pray in front of the icon of Mary of Częstochowa. The Black Madonna was clearly very dear to those black people in that strange land, far away from home!

I was invited to dinner by the Sisters of St. Elizabeth for tomorrow, and I had to work at the library.

Friday the 25th of July

I do not have as much time for afternoon walks in the city as I had before; I work at the Mission library and write postcards with greetings from Jerusalem. This afternoon I went to the Dormition again. I was going to visit the former Franciscan temple, that is the Room of the Last Supper, yet I changed my mind at the last moment.

I wished to spend a few moments in the pleasant company of the Benedictines. I was received by one of the monks, who the porter showed me to. We had many things in common to talk about as I had lived in Benedictine monasteries in Germany and Belgium, besides we had many mutual friends. He invited me for coffee and was very considerate to me. Then suddenly (and why?) he asked me what my denomination was. When he found out I was Orthodox, he changed, raised his voice and said, “You should better study the history of the Church instead of doing research and looking for Georgian monuments, and you will that see our Church is right.”

I did not want to answer him that the thorough study of history had probably been the reason why Protestant churches had appeared. I stood up and went out immediately. It is curious that the younger generation of Catholic monks should be so fanatical. While the custodian himself is ready to receive me and the mother superior shakes hands with me, young Franciscans in the streets either turn their backs at me or make some comments. Well, I must admit that our Orthodox brothers do not show much sympathy for other religions, either.

Saturday the 26th of July

After the dinner, I was walking along the Via Dolorosa in the Old City. The streets were unbelievably narrow there. The road to the left led directly to St. Stephen’s Gate, but I went straight ahead. There was a large dirty hall a few steps further on the left side of the street, and closed shops on both sides. It was rather dark in the hall; some light could be seen in the distance. Several black women were standing next to the entry. I had the impression that the street ran further behind the hall, so I plucked up my courage and went through the hall. I did not see anyone in the dark. I reached some stairs. To my great astonishment I did not see any street, instead of it there was an entry to the Mosque of Omar. Before I had a good grasp of the situation, a boy jumped out from the dark and painfully whipped me. He was shouting something so that several people came down the stairs. I thought the crowd would lynch me as they obviously took me for a Jew. Luckily, I kept a level head and managed to tell them I was a priest. One of them gave me sign to follow him and led me among the disdainfully laughing black women to the exit.

Nikolai Nikolayevich Solovtsev, an elderly man, who had been a professor of medicine at Moscow University, came from Magdala to the Mission today. He lived in Alexandria and practiced his profession with success there. The Queen of Egypt herself was one of his patients, as I had heard. He was accepted by the Mission as a physician and had a permit to stay in Palestine for six weeks, yet the archimandrite himself had been trying to convince the British authorities to let him stay longer.

My fellow countryman is fond of medicine; I shall have to introduce him to the professor. He will benefit greatly from that, and the professor will have company.

Monday the 28th of July

I have had an exciting day today. When I was working at the Greek library, an Arab man came there. He said his name was Siksek and told me he was of Georgian origin. One of his ancestors had come to Jerusalem as a secretary more or less six hundred years ago with a delegation from the Georgian king. His first name had been Simeon but his last name had been forgotten long ago and he had been named ‘Siksek’ as a reference to his job as a secretary. The Georgian word for secretary is ‘Mdivani’, so would it not be a better name? I encouraged him to change his name, and he laughed and continued his story. His father had left a very rich library, which had reportedly included documents from those times. Yet, after his father had died, his mother had sold everything. Still, he had an Arabic manuscript with a description of Georgian monasteries in the Holy Land. It would be very interesting, if he could translate the manuscript into English, the language we talked in.

This acquaintance was very important to me, but now I was swamped with work on the manuscripts. He promised he would visit me a few days later.

After dinner, I went to visit the Romanian Consul General. He is an expert in Romanian history. He has published a number of very important research papers. His favorite domain is the history of the Romanians in Palestine.[113]

I spent an hour at his place and had many curious impressions. “Georgians,” he told me, “must have a permanent representative here. Moreover, you should send scientific expeditions here and become more interested in what is happening to this country!” His living room was a real museum.

He had a great collection of photographs of various monasteries and frescoes, including large photographs of all the frescoes in the Holy Cross Monastery that had been preserved there since, unfortunately, when the photographs were being made, most of them had already been covered with plaster. How poor my photographs were in comparison with these ones! Still, I could not do much alone. Such work had to become a task for the entire nation. I also saw at his home the history of Palestinian monasteries, published by the present Patriarch Timotheos.[114] Interestingly, the author claims that only two monasteries, the Holy Cross and Saint Jacob’s, are of Georgian origin (the latter one now belongs to Armenians). According to him, the Georgians received the other monasteries from the Greeks. Greeks have an interesting method; according to them, since all monasteries were founded by Constantine and Helen, they all belong to them. The thesis is difficult to argue with due to the lack of any documents.

The Romanians fancy having the Holy Cross Monastery, too, and the consul calls the monastery ‘our’ (that is Romanian). “The debts owed by Georgians, the monks of the monastery, have been repaid with Romanian money, so the monastery must belong to us,” he said. The thesis is quite interesting.

The conversation has given me not only a new viewpoint with which to consider the issues and new information, but also a new task to fulfill. If anything can be done, it will be a result of my audience at the Romanian consul’s. The government of the Holy Land has offered for free quite a big portion of land on the Jordan riverside to all Christian churches that have their monasteries in Jerusalem. The land was previously owned by the sultan and no one had the right to built monasteries there. The only exception was the Ethiopian Negus Menelik,[115] who received a large territory, where a vast Ethiopian monastery was built. The Greeks had their Monastery of St. John the Baptist more or less twenty minutes’ walk away from the Jordan. Since the monastery was very old, the Ottoman government tolerated it. No other religions had their monasteries there at that time.

Now, Greeks, Franciscans, Russians, Syrians, Armenians, Romanians, and Bulgarians have been given land. The Ethiopians did not want any more land as they already have sufficient territory. Would it not be possible for the Georgians to receive a small piece of land and build at least a modest monastery there, too? However, this would be a very difficult task, since there are neither Georgian monasteries nor Georgians in Jerusalem. Still, the Bulgarians have no monasteries here, similarly to Romanians, and they have received land. We could ask for land for pilgrims. Yet, in this case a new problem arises, since no pilgrims for the time being come from Georgia, and Georgian emigrants are too poor to be able to travel here.[116] I will have to think the matter over.

On my way home I met Mr. Siksek in the company of Archimandrite Narcis. I found out that fifteen thousand Orthodox Christians lived in Transjordania; they had five Episcopal cathedrals, of which only one was staffed, and nineteen schools. The archimandrite was the superintendent of the schools.

I visited an influential Christian Orthodox Arab, who had graduated from a theological academy in Russia. However, he did not like Russians. According to him, they had power but no culture. Russians had been very welcome here until they had run out of money. Regarding Georgian monasteries, he said that a great tragedy must have happened at some time here since the Georgians had lost everything at once. He also said there must be some documents in Georgian concerning the tragedy. Unfortunately, very few Georgian documents existed. There was a chance that something had been preserved, but some search had to be started, first of all, obviously, in Georgia. Finally, I asked him whether it would be possible for Georgians to obtain a small plot of land by the Jordan. He believed there could be a chance for that, if the matter was handled by an influential man, and not by a private person. “Besides,” he added, “the British now have many other things to do, and this can wait.”

Wednesday the 29th of July

This morning, after my library work, I visited Archimandrite Kallistos to ask him about his opinion on the Jordan riverside land issue. He told me nothing should be started without the patriarch’s blessing. The patriarch was now out of Jerusalem. He would return next week.

My photographs of the frescoes in the Holy Cross Monastery were a failure. My fellow countryman complained about my camera. He had taken it to his place yesterday and he would go to the Holy Cross Monastery tomorrow by himself and take new photographs.

Father Nicholas had dinner with us today. I walked him home after the dinner. He still had a young heart and liked walking. He told me if Russia had had the mandate to administer the Holy Land, everything would have been here as before. This was the only land where nothing should be changed. I had to admit that he was right about the fact that if Russia had ruled here, all of Palestine would have been different, like a single large monastery, and various people of the ‘walking antique’ kind would have almost every day find and look for new places sanctified by both tradition and pious legend.

Thursday the 30th of July

I was going to the Saint Sabas Monastery in the Judean Desert tomorrow evening, so I had some things to do and I did not go to the library. Instead, I saw the Palestinian Museum. It was in a completely new Palestinian-style building next to the Damascene Gate. Currently, it was closed to the public. I was lucky they let me in, and a tall clerk, an Orthodox Arab, showed me around the rooms. In one of the rooms I saw a large tombstone with a Georgian inscription. The inscription read that under the stone Jeremiah, Bishop of Georgia, was buried. My guide said Mr. I. H. Iliffe, one of the senior officials of the museum, had written a study on the tombstone, and he was very kind and found a copy of it for me.

The stone had been found during construction work at the YMCA[117] site in Jerusalem. Mr. Iliffe assumed that a Georgian cemetery had been there between the 6th and 7th centuries.[118]

Friday the 31st of July – Sunday the 2nd of August

I am at the Saint Sabas Monastery,[119] in the middle of the Judean Desert. The trip from Jerusalem was very burdensome. It ran from the David or Zion Gate through the ‘Field of Blood’ (which had once been bought for Judas’s silver, see Matt 27: 8), and then there was the barren, waterless desert with no roads. I joined the caravan that the patriarchate sent every Friday to supply food to the monks. The Bedouins were told to take good care of me, and I must admit I suffered no wrong during our trip. The sun was burning mercilessly; we did not see any bush, not to mention trees, on our way. There was no water, and the water we had taken was very warm. The Bedouins whipped the mules on and were singing something in their language. On our way we came to a Bedouin camp, and completely naked children rushed at me asking for bakshish. My guide repelled them. Nothing more could be seen but the sea of sand heated by the sun, barren mountains glittering in the sun with the sand. The sand sea seemed to be endless. Yet I liked the view very much.

After a nearly five-hour hike we descended to the Kidron stream. At that time it was almost dry so that it was possible to go with the stream. The stream had its source at the Lavra itself. It was believed that at the time of the Second Arrival of Our Lord, the water in the stream would turn into fire, which would flow down and burn the entire globe. There was a mountain to the right, and my guide claimed it was the mountain of St. Moses and a Muslim temple was located there. Before the Arabs had come, there had been a Christian monastery there and one of the most famous monks of the monastery had been called Moses. Sometime later he was identified with the Old Testament prophet; which was why the Christians had been removed from the place and replaced by Muslims.

We kept climbing up the mountain; there seemed to be steps cut in the stone. I could see old caves on my left hand, behind the stream. Most of them would soon collapse. The monastery itself was surrounded with high and solid walls. A monk sat in the tower. When he saw approaching guests, he rang a bell. There were various bells; the choice of the bell depended on the guests and their ranks. At the sound of the bell the gatekeeper opened the gate. We walked up numerous steps and found ourselves in front of a hall or an outer narthex of the main monastery church. A big good cistern was there. They did not have any water source (except for the very small St. Sabas spring), and the monks collected rainwater in cisterns. The terrace-shaped monastery was extremely beautiful. St. John of Damascus had lived and composed his marvelous hymns, sung during our religious ceremonies, here.[120] His cell had been adapted as a chapel. They even had a museum with old icons, yet unfortunately there were no Georgian icons among them. Georgians had lived here in the old times, and the so-called testament of St. Sabas even mentioned them. They had the right to read the Gospel and the Epistles in their mother tongue.[121]

The monastery itself is cut out of the rock in the shape of a terrace. A picturesque view of the Kidron stream ravine stretches out from this place. When the sun sets, foxes come here and grab bread that the monks throw to them. Saint Sabas birds used to live here in the old times; now most of them have been shot by Bedouins. The foxes are not numerous, either.

I would like to see the caves tomorrow, I am resting today. I also live in a cave. Over my bed, there is a money box with an inscription in French requesting alms pour les misérables, that is ‘for miserable paupers’. I am extremely sorry to find such a description of a monk here, probably the only place in the world practicing such an ancient asceticism. A monk is never miserable, provided that he has joined the monastery consciously or by vocation. On the contrary, he is happy because he strives for an internal harmony. Probably this definition comes from very old times and the person who used it for the first time wanted to emphasize the great modesty of our Orthodox monasticism… I am trying to understand the loftiness and holiness of this thought in the silence of this place…

I could hear someone roaming around the veranda. Suddenly a half-naked Bedouin came into my room without knocking and demanded bakshish. He must have used the moment when they had been unloading the goods and had hidden somewhere. I threw him out locked the door.

Two Russian monks live here; one of them is a simple peasant, very hard-working and quite elderly. The other one is relatively young. He is the intendant here.

Church services start here at eleven at night and last until four in the morning. The bells toll before eleven, so I get up and go out to the veranda. The night is marvelous and warm; the entire monastery is immersed in pale silver color. The white rocks, the caves and the temple itself put on the colors of this fabulous night, this unusual shine, as if a halo of sanctity. It would be a sin to sleep during such miraculous nights; I must draw inspiration, contemplate, sing hymns, and pray…

I spent two such marvelous nights there and I have always remembered them with a sense of longing.

We were drinking coffee in the morning after the service in the veranda above the Kidron stream, and then the monks went to sleep. I asked them to open the gate and went wandering around the caves. A large tower, with several rooms inside, was not far away from the gate. It was used to receive women, who could not enter the monastery. I had gone quite a distance from the monastery when I suddenly noticed the same Bedouin I had thrown out from my room. He had been following me; maybe he wanted revenge for yesterday’s offence. There was no one else around. The road to the Dead Sea was dead, too. I could not even see the monastery or its tower. He started shouting he wanted bakshish even before he managed to approach me. I told him he would get the bakshish tomorrow and I asked him to show me the caves. I spoke calmly. I was even smiling at him. He did not know whether he should believe me or not. At that moment a monk from the monastery came. It appeared that someone in the tower had noticed the Bedouin and sent the monk to keep an eye on me. The Bedouin saw the monk and left.

The monks were extremely fanatical here. They lived beyond time and they did not care at all about the things happening in the world. One of them told me that Patriarch Damian had died a year ago. “How do you mean, a year?” another monk, who had been sent here from Jerusalem several years before to do penance, interrupted. “It was five years ago!” “You say?” answered the first one not really surprised but rather uncertainly and helplessly.

Imagination was extremely active in such an atmosphere. When I met a cat in the corridor and wanted to stroke it, one of the monks bitterly reproached me for that. He told me that according to St. Basil’s[122] teaching, a cat symbolized a woman, because it had a lot of feminine features. Anyone who touched a cat was impure for three days. If he died during the period, he would go straight to Hell. I was even seriously afraid I would not be let into the refectory and would get the food in my room.

Saint Sabas Monastery is very rich; it owns a lot of land. It used to own the whole desert once. Now the desert in Palestine is worth more than squares in Paris. This reminds me of a story that was widely publicized several years ago. Jews wanted to make plantations in one of the valleys near the Dead Sea. The valley was at least fifteen kilometers long and, with good cultivation, could yield unusually rich crops. It suddenly appeared that the desert, which seemed to be ownerless, had as many as three owners. The first was the British government, claiming that the entire territory belonged to it. The second were Bedouins, who wandered through the desert and set up camp at the place for a few weeks once a year or so. Finally, the third owner was St. Sabas Monastery. Although the monastery did not have any documents, the court accepted its claim and made it the owner of one half of the desert. The other half was granted to the Bedouins. Allegedly, Jews would have given everything to buy the land back from the monastery, but for the time being they want to get it for free.

St. Sabas Monastery, which is deeply respected and well-known in the Christian Orthodox world, used to own properties almost everywhere in the world before the war. It owned entire villages in Georgia.

I wished to see the library very much. It was in the tower, difficult to access due to the many stairs one had to climb. Not all the manuscripts had been taken from it to the patriarchate, and Cagareli had seen a Georgian manuscript here in his time.[123] I was unlucky, as the key to the library had allegedly been taken by one of the monks, who was now in Bethlehem. This was the usual excuse used by monks in case they did not wish to show their collections to someone.

A Greek monk, who came from the Caucasus and reportedly spoke Georgian and sometimes even sang in Georgian during the services, lived here. Unfortunately, he was away from the monastery at that time.

Sunday the 2nd of August

I left the monastery very early in the morning, after the service. A Bedouin was supposed to take me back to Jerusalem. I chose a different way, because I was going to visit the Monastery of St. Theodosy.[124] The saint was one of the three great monks of Palestine (the two others were Saba and Euthimius).[125] In the old times, there had been a very large monastery, where among others people belonging to the Bessian tribe (the Bessi)[126] had lived. The question of their ethnicity has not been resolved yet; some researchers believe that their ancestors were Georgians, others that they were Bessarabians, and still others that they were residents of Thessaly.[127]

The only residents now were Igumen Lawrence and a novice. The igumen was away from the monastery. He had been collecting various old cannons, cannonballs and similar remnants of the Great War for the monastery museum. As a result, Muslim Arabs had reported him to the British authorities, accusing him of keeping guns at his place. He had been suspended from his official duties. This old man in his eighties, to the great indignation of all the Christians of Jerusalem, had been imprisoned and had been tried in court standing in a cage in the middle of a courtroom, where usually the mahbuz, that is thieves, stood, escorted by policemen. When I was in Jerusalem, I went to see the courtroom where the old archimandrite had been tried. Now another monk stood in for him at the monastery. It was rumored that Father Lawrence had been acquitted and would soon return to the monastery.

The main monastery church had been destroyed during the war, and only ruins of it remained. I entered the crypt, where the grave of St. Theodosy was. Bones of other monks had also been resting there. Church services were now celebrated here. Old cannonballs, cannons and rust-eaten rifles were scattered around the monastery yard.

I had a lot of trouble with the Bedouin. On our way, he had raised the price several times. He threatened that otherwise he would leave me alone in the desert. Besides, he had eaten his fill at the first inn we came to in the Blood Field, and I had to pay his bill. Next to the Jaffa Gate, he bought a large pack of cigarettes, and I obviously had to pay for that.

Tuesday the 4th of August

The professor had convinced me that I should go to Magdala to have a rest. I had heard that at the Russian estate there they had various miraculous springs that helped mainly for kidney diseases. He himself had spent a few weeks there and claimed that the springs of Magdala were as valuable as the mineral waters of Vichy. I had decided to go there. I had almost finished my work at the patriarchate’s library, and the patriarch had still not come to Jerusalem. I was going to wander around Galilee, as far as that was possible.

Our train, going to Haifa, was full of passengers. Many Jews boarded the train in Lod. An Arab sat opposite me. He had been travelling with me from Jerusalem and he knew I was Georgian. He was very courteous to the Jews. They learned of my nationality from him, and suddenly two boys wearing Jewish Boy Scout uniforms came over to us and one of them addressed me in Georgian. He spoke the western dialect. They were very numerous in the Holy Land. They had their own district in Tel Aviv, and there was even a whole village of Georgian Jews, Beniamino, on the way to Haifa. They invited me to the village and suggested that I visit them in Tel Aviv.

Our conversation in Georgian attracted the attention of other passengers. When one of them heard that Georgian Jews had been well-off in Georgia and missed Georgia, he said, “Jews should be doing very badly everywhere, as then they will strive to move to Palestine.”

Wednesday the 5th of August – Monday the 10th of August

I am in Magdala, resting. The conditions are rather primitive here; I have made my bed under a tree, next to a mineral water spring, so I am either in bed or in water. I eat only fish.

There is a Russian estate by Lake Tiberias, exactly at the place where the marvelous fishing took place[128] and where Christ walked on the water as if it was land.[129] This is also the place where He talked for the last time to His disciples after the Resurrection and where He had the beautiful dialogue with Peter[130]. This is the place where Mary Magdalene came from. There are three Magdalas, an Arab village on a mountain, an old Jewish colony some three kilometers away from here and this estate. A novice, who plants grapefruit on very fertile soil, lives here. One worker lives with him. However, the novice is not satisfied and wishes to escape to Syria. Additionally, three elderly women, who have built small houses for themselves, live here. Obviously, the Jews wish to over the property. They have even brought a claim to court against the Russian Mission. They thought the Mission would lose the lawsuit as it had no documents (all documents are kept in Leningrad). However, due to the women, who had lived here from the beginning of the war here, the Mission won the fenced land, and the land behind the fence, which had also belonged to the Mission, was taken over by the government. There used to be ponds and a summer resort of Herod[131] in the old times here. The place has many mineral water springs. It also has a very attractive garden, full of fruit trees and thick banana groves, and tall date palms growing next to the sea. I envy those who live here. Fishermen bring fresh fish every day. Bethsaida, where Peter came from, is fourteen kilometers away. Not far away from Bethsaida, there Capernaum, beyond which the Mountain of Blessings rises. Yonder, far, far away Sefad[132] can be seen on the mountain. I can see the lights there very late, even when I am in bed. This is the city, which Christ meant when he said that a city located on a hill could not be hidden.[133]

I can hear shooting all night long, and during the day, vehicles full of soldiers are constantly going in the direction of Sefad up the road, which runs alongside the miserable fence.

Tuesday the 11th of August – Sunday the 16th of August

Tiberias. After the well-spent healing days in Magdala, I stopped for a few days in Tiberias, the medieval center of Jewish culture. This is the place where Rabbi Akiba[134], the philosopher Maimonides[135] and others lived and where the famous rabbinic school flourished. Today, as well, ninety per cent of its residents are Jews. However, soon after its founding, Jews despised and avoided the city, as it had been built on a former burial ground. For this reason Herod had to populate it with the “sinful and miserable” Galileans.[136] Even Christ never visited this city, which is clear from the Gospels. Did He avoid the place or did the Gospels not mention His presence in Tiberias by accident? Jews now predominantly live on the hill above the city. The old town, situated by the Lake of Gennesaret, is inhabited by the descendants of those Jews who have lived here since the Middle Ages.

The Russian House stands at the very shore. It was built on the ruins of a tremendous medieval construction. Possibly, as Professor Rostovtsev believes, there was a harbor there in the old times.[137] A large Greek building, owned by the Greek Patriarchate, stands opposite the Russian House, on the other side of the street. This is a huge, tremendous building dating back to the times of the crusaders.

Tiberias has not lost its old character, which it during the time of the Crusades. The city built by Herod is several kilometers away to the south. The sulphur springs and the hamam, the baths, are there. A huge building, reminiscent of a medieval castle, stands next to the baths. It is the rabbinic school building. The graves of the great rabbis are there.

It is terribly hot; after all we are below the sea level. Arabs lie in the Lake of Gennesaret all day long, and I can see their dark brown bodies from the veranda of my room. I can also see youngsters walking along the shore and watching in case any Jew wanted to go into the water. They should not worry! Jews stay locked in their houses and go out only when they see a policeman walking down the shore. A Jewish synagogue is not far away from a mosque. The police gather Jews together and escort them to the synagogue, and then back home. They probably feel as if they were in hell, locked inside the baking walls all day long. Residents of this old district leave their homes and move under police escort to the new Jewish district on the hill. Only old men stay here to die in their old homes. I guess no one can do any harm to them. Well, but who knows? The shooting goes on all night and bombs explode here even during the day. No one knows the origin of the bombs. The Arabs are very courteous to me. They call me “padre” and get out my way in the streets with respect. One of them even came to my defense when some youngsters in the street were chasing me and demanding bakshish. He told an aphorism on that occasion, “A priest does not give bakshish, a priest gives a blessing.”

I wished to go the baths regularly, as the local sources are supposed to heal arthritis, rheumatism and similar ailments, yet the hamam (the baths) is several kilometers away. Although the road to it, which runs between the sea and the rocks, is beautiful, it is still dangerous. On the first day a shepherd saw me and climbed down the rocks and tore the towel out of my hands. The other day, a woman with a stick in her hand chased me along the road, where no passersby could be seen at that moment. Luckily, some people were going by a car to the town and gave me a lift. I did not want any adventures, so I am sitting at home.

The Eastern way of life is open and extremely indiscreet. Residents at the Russian House, Arabs, live in a large common veranda. Several completely mutually unrelated families eat, drink and sleep in the veranda almost without any embarrassment.

A Georgian, a descendant of Georgian kings, lives and works in Tiberias. I met his sister, Anastasia Nikolayevna Gruzinska, a long time ago. She had converted into Catholicism and wrote popular emotional works, intended to tighten bonds with the Catholic Church. She died several years ago in exile.[138] His other sister reportedly had a substantial collection of Georgian manuscripts at her estate near Moscow. I have written the estate’s address down and I am going to check some way if everything has been preserved there, provided that I have the opportunity. However, the most interesting message for me is that about a mysterious Georgian nun of Jerusalem, who died three years ago. No one knows what her name was. I had already heard back in Jerusalem about her and her pious life. Now I have heard interesting news. The duke had known her well, so when she died, she left him her books. They still must be in Jerusalem, at someone’s place. The Georgian duke gave me the address of the person and let me choose from the books anything I needed and take them to Warsaw. Maybe her name is written in one of the books, which will let me learn something about the last Georgian nun in the Holy Land.

Sunday the 16th of August

I leave Tiberias and go to Jerusalem through Haifa. I am going to make a stopover in Nazareth. The beautiful road runs alongside a newly planted forest. The road is dangerous and we are escorted by a whole platoon of soldiers and, at the same time, by many private cars and trucks. All the vehicle traffic begins on the road begins at eight in the morning every day, except for Saturdays. The road leads through the Horns of Hattin, where the Crusaders were defeated and had to surrender the Holy Land to Saladin in 1187. We also pass through Cana, where our Savior performed His first miracle.[139] In the village, the road runs alongside gardens. Ripe pomegranates emerge above the low fences, and brown children stand with fruit by the road, yet the cars do not stop. I can see the Christian Orthodox monastery to my right. It was built at the place of the miracle.

In Nazareth, our bus stopped not far away from the basilica, next to the spring called Mary’s Spring. Currently, the spring is surrounded with a wonderful small flower garden, which was created and offered to Nazareth by an Englishwoman. The beautiful Christian Orthodox basilica stands on a hill, several steps away.

The service had just started when I entered the basilica. It was celebrated in Arabic. The choir of the local Arabian school was singing. The sacristan noticed me at once and invited to the presbytery.

The basilica stands at the place where the still existing spring flowed at the time of Mary. The Annunciation had occured here. According to apocryphal writings, the Angel appeared to Mary when she came here to get water in the morning. According to other versions, the Annunciation took place at Joseph’s house. A Catholic basilica is located there now.[140]

After the service, everyone present went down to a little aisle, on the left side, several steps below, and drew water. The spring, for people’s use, is also open outside, on the market side.

Among very old and rather artfully made paintings and frescoes, cheap pictures on glossy paper, which can be bought at folk markets, hang on the walls here. It is very pleasant for me to see that most of them tell the story of the Annunciation. How good it would be, if copies of all the paintings representing the Annunciation were gathered together and used to decorate these walls; after all this is the proper place. There is no more difficult theme for painting than the Annunciation. The painter must to be skilful at using paints and shades that seem to turn into air, combine with the sun or the blue sky. Interestingly, English painters like the subject. This also reminds me of Fra Angelico[141] and Polish medieval painters from Cracow.[142]

Unfortunately this place has not been artistically designed. A small dome with the Franciscan cross above it crowns the altar. Anyone who does not know the history of the basilica may have the impression that it has been built by Western people. On the ceiling, a little further from the altar, I can see the symbol of the Holy Spirit, a dove made of stone, yet it is headless. I was very sorry to see this and I said that to the local archimandrite.

The archimandrite was very kind to invite me to his place, where I stayed for one day.

Monday the 17th of August

The archimandrite helped me in finding a car. The train from Haifa to Jerusalem would leave at eight. The driver promised we would catch the train, still we were several minutes late and the train had gone. I had to wait until half past twelve. I went for a walk around the town and then I sat down at a tiny coffee shop, where I met a Georgian Jew, who still spoke good Georgian.

Friday the 21st of August[143]

I visited the patriarch, at last. He lived in his summer residence in Little Galilee. According to him, it would be very difficult to obtain any land on which to build a Georgian monastery by the Jordan because Georgians did not have a single monastery in Jerusalem and no pilgrims came from Georgia, he argued. So I tried to address the issue in a different way; the Georgians had such a great past here, in the Holy Land, and in the name of the past and revival of the tradition the Greek Patriarchate had to support us using its reputation in this matter.

So I would have to apply to the government authorities, which held the Patriarchate in high esteem, first of all as a legal entity that owned a large territory. However, what did the large territory mean? One small agricultural reform could deprive the patriarchate of the title. Who would then defend them?

I also visited the person who was supposed to keep the books of the Georgian princess, the last nun. That person lived with elderly Russian women at a Russian pilgrim shelter. Nearly a hundred women lived there together. Each of them had a bed in one huge common room. Besides, there were several single rooms where women from better families lived.

I went there yesterday. They had been praying to the Heavenly Mother when I came. One of the women was reading the prayer, and the others were singing. They had a hard life now. They had lived there from the beginning of the war. It was only in prayer that they could find comfort…

I learnt from the lady that she had taken the books to the Spiritual Mission’s library. She went with me to the librarian. Unfortunately, I could not find the books although I had looked for them for hours. I have also learnt from the woman that Father Seraphim had been the confessor of the Georgian nun. I must visit him, probably even tomorrow.

I visited Father Seraphim. Unfortunately, he did not know her name, either. He told me how holy and pure her life had been. She must have been much older than eighty. She had spent every night praying at the Holy Sepulcher. Father Seraphim gave me a copy of the sermon he had given at her funeral.

Saturday the 22nd of August

I have been unbelievably lucky today. I have been given the opportunity to go to Jericho thanks to assistance from the Polish Consul General in Jerusalem, Mr. Zdzisław Kurnikowski. This has not been easy to do.

The way from Jerusalem to Jericho is very dangerous. The danger starts almost behind the walls of Jerusalem as the road runs through the village of Siloe, which has a very bad reputation, and through Bethany. Besides, it is surrounded by the desert and bare rocks on all sides. The only people one sees on the way are Bedouin shepherds, who tend to become thieves in certain situations. We do not meet anyone else, and exactly halfway we see the ruins of the Good Samaritan’s inn.

The bus from Jerusalem goes only once a day, and under a strong escort. While the ticket previously cost five piasters (nine for return ticket), now, since the conflict began, a one-way ticket costs a whole Palestinian pound, and it is necessary to book it several days ahead. Arabs very often shoot or throw stones down the from high rocks onto the road. Human casualties occur on almost every trip. This is why no tourist has visited Jericho since the beginning of the conflict.

Yet, there is a solution to of every similar situation. Sometimes Arab dignitaries take the bus. Then agents inform the rebels in the mountains, and the trip is safe.

The mayor of Jericho was returning to his city on Saturday. Consul General Kurnikowski heard about it and asked one of the influential Arabs (an Orthodox Christian) to introduce me to the kaimakan (mayor) on his behalf. We had to wait outside the vehicle, where a numerous group of passengers had gathered as they wished to go with us. An Arab policeman advised me (probably to move me away from the car) to ask the Catholics, that is the monks with the rope, as he called them, for help. He meant the Franciscans. Yet the Orthodox Arab interrupted our conversation and told him this could not be done as the father (meaning me) was a Christian Orthodox, and there was bitter hatred between the Orthodox and Catholics. The Arab policeman laughed and nodded as he could not understand how priests who believed in Christ could hate each other. Of course, the Arab came from the desert and had been in Jerusalem for a very short time, but I am convinced the Highest Wisdom itself spoke through the lips of this simple man.

“A certain man was going down from Jerusalem to Jericho, and he fell among robbers,”[144] said Christ two thousand years ago. The words had not lost their relevance. The road itself was scary; with rocks on both sides, and no beauty, no charm. We continued down, the air squeezed my heart and I had the impression that I was going down in a lift in a very high building.

The Arab policeman was sitting next to me and kept telling me that if the Jews had been a good nation, no one in Europe would have tried to get rid of them. Yet people wanted to get rid of them everywhere because almost all of them were communists. “So why should we accept them? After all, this is our country!” he concluded. There was a rather large Orthodox monastery in Jericho, which was owned by the Mission. Yet, it was impossible to stay there. So I checked in at a hotel, which was owned by a Christian Orthodox Arab, who spoke good Russian. He received me very warmly and gave me the best room.

Jericho is an oasis, a city among palm trees in the middle of the Jordanian Desert. It is a land of grapes and bananas. Almost everyone here earns their living by cultivating bananas. The ancient Jericho, with its famous museums, is several kilometers away to the West. After a short rest, one of the monks was very kind and walked me around the city.

The walls of Jericho had been excavated by Professor Sellin[145] of Berlin, who had told us with great enthusiasm about the result of his work at a lecture in Berlin. Now I had all this in front of my eyes. I had always thought the walls had been made of huge stones, while in reality these were bricks that broke into pieces in my hands because of their old age.

The spring of St. Prophet Elisha is not far from the walls. The water had been bad, and his prayers made it drinkable.[146] High and huge rocks, with old caves inside, are more or less two kilometers further west. The Greek Monastery Sarandarion, which means ‘Forty’, is situated above the caves. According to a tradition, Christ spent forty days after His baptism in the Jordan there and was tempted by Satan and surrounded by wild beasts during that time.[147]

More or less fifteen Greek monks live there now. They have a very large and attractive fruit garden. The monastery itself was refurbished before the war, and Father Superior Avraamios, who refurbished it, is still alive. He is the one who receives us and tells us the story of the construction. Everything is cut into the rock, both the very charming church and the monks’ cells. We walk through tunnels and passages cut in the rock. A marvelous view of the land near Jericho itself stretches out from here. We can also see the Jordan and the Dead Sea, and the mountains of Moab.

A whole city was here in the rocks in the Canaanite times, yet unfortunately the monks are completely disinterested in such ancient history, and nothing interesting has been left here anymore but for one large stone, on which Christ once sat. Numerous Ethiopian pilgrims come here to pray, and some pilgrims sometimes stay here for forty days. An Ethiopian is now standing next to the stone and saying prayers. The monks tell me he is a high-ranking officer who took an active part in the war between Italy and Ethiopia.

At ten o’clock at night I was going to my cell with an olive oil lamp in my hand. The bad air and the extreme dirtiness of the room struck me immediately at the entry. The bed linen was not clean, either. I told the servant about it and demanded the room should be cleaned immediately. My tone made a great impression on the Arabs, who were still sitting in the garden. When the servant cleaned the room and said good night he asked very seriously and with respect whether I was a patriarch.

Sunday the 23rd of August

I would have to get up at four and go to the Russian monastery. A monk of the monastery and I were going to the Jordan and to various monasteries in the Jordanian Desert. I was lying in my bed completely sleepless. I could hear the Arabs talking and laughing in the hotel garden. I took the watch in my hand and saw it had stopped at twelve; it had failed at such an important moment! What could possibly be the time? I was listening attentively in the silence and suddenly, several minutes later, which seemed to have lasted for ages, I could hear some steps. It was extremely unpleasant to get up now and ask a total stranger the time in the corridor in the Arab hotel so late. Yet I had no other way out and I got up. It was half past two.

I got up exactly one hour later and went to the Russian monastery. I had to cross a few streets and small backstreets. The large street-facing building was the gendarmerie headquarters, and the smaller building a little further, behind the tiny garden, was the house where the monk lived. I had to cross the headquarters to reach his house.

I was stopped by a policeman. When he saw I was dressed like a priest, he let me alone. I literally had to pass over Arabs lying and sleeping in the streets.

I was stopped in front of the gendarmerie door. Two gendarmes came over to me. One of them was speaking, and the other was holding his gun in such a way that the tip of the barrel was pointed at my heart. Finally, the first of them went to his superior and told the other one to follow me to the monk’s place to make sure that I had told them the truth.

The monk was still in his bed because he was ill. He could hardly speak. Yet he told me he knew an Arab worker who could go with me.

The sun was quite high when we set out to the desert. The Arab was very tired as he had been working all night long, and he was riding a donkey. I had to pay both for him and for the donkey, which cost a lot, and I could not afford another donkey, so he was sitting and riding and I was walking behind him.

The Russian monastery itself had been built in place of an old Christian temple, and there was a Greek mosaic inscription dating back to 566 in the small chapel. The inscription had been published by both Father Abel and Professor Rostovtsev. I made a copy of it for myself, nevertheless.[148]

The oldest monastery by the holy River Jordan is the Greek Monastery of St. John the Baptist. Shortly before the war, the monastery had suffered from an earthquake, which had damaged its upper part to such an extent that only the crypt remained. This was the place where Cagareli had seen the two Georgian inscriptions, copies of which had been published by him.[149] Now only one inscription was left. The archimandrite had taken very good care of it. I thanked him for that. He walked me to the river, and we swam in it. The river was extremely dirty. It was simply a black-and-grey mass of dirt flowing at immense speed. It was not really wide, but deep and dangerous.

Monasteries of almost all Christian denominations could be found by the river. The first was the Greek monastery, then the Latin, the Russian (no fence), and the Ethiopian and Romanian ones followed. A little further from the river, on the same side, behind the specially designed alley, the Syrian, Armenian and Bulgarian monasteries stood. They had exits facing the river, with swimming pools for pilgrims. There were not many monks there, and the places were quite motionless; only the Syrians and Armenians were building their temples. I thought that this place could become an international center of monastic life with time. Unfortunately, they had learnt and benefited little from one another; nowhere did fanaticism and narrow-mindedness exist so obviously as here, at these holy places.

From among all these monasteries I only visited the Ethiopian one. They received me very cordially and treated me to good black coffee.

My Arab and I continued our trip, i.e. he was riding his donkey and I was walking. The heat was unbearable. I regretted I had not borrowed an umbrella or a comfortable hat back in Jericho. My monk’s cap did not protect me against the sun at all, and the great vision of the future, the fantasy that one day at least a small Georgian chapel and a monastery could be built here and bring something positive into our poor cultural life was the only thing that gave me the strength for a further journey.

We were walking thus through the desert as far as St. Gerasim’s Monastery. I could see the monastery in the distance. At first it seemed quite close, but then it appeared that a long walk was still before us. In the desert we met a monk, who was also going to the monastery. He was comfortably riding a donkey, holding an umbrella in his right hand. Apparently, he had been longing for company, as he started asking me about where I was from and about other different things.

St. Gerasim is worshiped greatly in the common church. One of the well-known Holy Land pilgrims, Joannes Phokas (12th century),[150] met a Georgian who led a holy life. He called him ‘Iberian’, which the British understand as ‘Spaniard’. There are fabulous legends about St. Gerasim, according to which he lived with lions, who obeyed and served him.[151]

The present monastery is modern; it was built on the ruins of an older one. It emerges in a distance in the desert like an oasis. St. Gerasim’s grave is somewhere in the desert. The legend has it that it was dug by a lion.

We had a modest, though still very tasty, dinner at the monastery. I received an umbrella from the archimandrite, and we set out back to Jericho more at or less at two in the afternoon. I received an offer to go to the Dead Sea today, but I was too tired.

Monday the 24th of August

The kaimakan was going to Jerusalem. He sent me a messenger to ask if I would go with him. I could not accept the offer as I needed to go to the Dead Sea. It was approximately nine kilometers away and I could go on foot, yet I was told that would be too dangerous. I could not hitch a ride, as there was not a single car in Jericho. The hotel owner advised me to ask the gendarmerie chief for help as, reportedly, they sent gendarmes to the potassium factory by the Dead Sea every day. Perhaps he would let me go together with a gendarme transport. The gendarmerie officer, a Polish Jew, received me very kindly; I spent nearly an hour at his office. Of course, we were talking in Polish. He gave me his permit for the ride so that I found myself by the Dead Sea the same evening. However, I was told that it was possible to go back to Jericho the next morning at the earliest, so I had to spend the night there.

A Jew, who owned a hotel in this remote part of the world, came over to me and started praising his rooms. The room cost fifteen piasters plus a one and a half service charge that is ten per cent, the usual tip in Europe.

It was too early to think about a place to sleep, so I took a walk through the small factory village and, as if especially for me, the Arab policeman, who had escorted me to the Mission on my arrival in Jerusalem, appeared. “Father, what do you need a hotel for?” he said. “We have a very nice little hut, covered with banana leaves, at the police station. You can sleep there.”

He was an Arab patriot and he was glad I was speaking in Arabic to him. “We are strong,” he said. “And we shall overcome the Jews in this struggle. Our people are aware of who they are. Then we shall throw the British out, too, and this land will be the great Arabia!”

Of course, I respect his beliefs, and I do it consciously. There is no better and more useful way for culture and the progress of humanity way than to fight, yet such a fight must be fair and without sniping.

The Arab brought me curds and bread from the mess room. At ten everybody went to take their positions. The only person who stayed with me was an elderly Arab, who had stolen a mattress from his neighbor a month ago and had been imprisoned for that. He could walk freely but he would not escape; after all, he did not have such good board at home as here.

I went to swim in the sea. No fish, no living creature lived in the sea. It was so saturated with salt that a man could just rest on its water. It was necessary to take a shower, with ordinary water, afterwards. I had forgotten to ask where the shower was and I went to bed. My whole body started itching so much that I had to get up and ask the ‘criminal’ about the shower.

When I was taking the shower, a car stopped in front of the police station, and one of the gendarmes told me they had been ordered to return to Jericho and I could go with them. It was so pleasant at the hut that I preferred to stay there until tomorrow.

Tuesday the 25th of August

I left the Dead Sea this morning with another shift of gendarmes. Out of curiosity I asked one of them, the one who was standing next to me, if only Arabs served as gendarmes. It appeared they also had Palestinian Jews, Greeks, Russians and even one man from the Caucasus. I very interested to hear that and he promised he would show me the ‘Caucasian’. He appeared to be a Chechen, a son of the most dangerous of all Caucasian mountain tribes. The word ‘Chechen’ was used to scare children in Russia. Even the Cossacks had been on their guard against them. The Chechen had killed someone in the Caucasus and had to escape. He had served his penalty for murder in Istanbul before he came here. He said he missed the Caucasus; his parents were buried in the mountains there. His name was Abu ben Mirsa, so he was a nobleman!

I wished to leave Jericho today. The hotel owner gave me another piece of good advice. The Jericho police chief was going on an official trip to Jerusalem, so he might take me with him.

I started looking for him. I knew him by sight as he used to spend nights and days at the hotel coffee shop. He was a black man from Sudan. He was tall and he had thick protruding lips; and his teeth were so long that half of them were visible all the time. He made a funny impression, but he was a very good man.

He happened to be in the police garage, watching a minor car repair. “How are you, Ali Effendi,” I said politely in English. “Very well, and you?” he answered. Of course, he allowed me to go with him. Suddenly one of the Arabs around us came over to me and started making very nervous gestures and wanted to hit me. According to him, I was a Jew and a Jewish agent. Of course, they had seen me talking for a long time to the officer, who never came out and gave orders contrary to the Arabian case! The good Ali Effendi had to employ much persuasion to convince him I was a priest and had nothing in common with the officer.

I owe it to the Sudanese black man that I have not suffered from the dispute.

We left half an hour later.

I brought a small bunch of dry Roses of Jericho as a souvenir from Jericho. As a matter of fact, these are not roses at all. This is a species of anemone. The emotional love for this old and holy land has always been expressed with some exaggeration. These biblical flowers have one feature, which has a symbolic meaning for me; when they are put into water, even if they are completely dry, they revive and bloom again…[152]

An Arab was sitting next to me. He was very willing to talk about the late Marshal Piłsudski.[153] “We need such a man now but, unfortunately, we do not have him!” he said. I answered that such people appeared once a century or in several centuries as a realization of the dreams and an answer to the prayers of many generations.

I met the professor in the Mission corridor. Currently, he spends long hours and sometimes nights praying in the Basilica of the Holy Sepulcher. His favorite topic now were the sermons he had heard at the chapel. He was anxious, as his residence permit would expire in two weeks or so. I cheered him up as much as I could.

After dinner I visited two monasteries, a Syrian and a Coptic one. They did not have anything interesting left. All their collections had been catalogued, and the catalogues had even been printed and published. Nevertheless, one of the Syrian dignitaries told me about various apocryphal manuscripts, unknown to anyone so far, which he had. He wanted to sell them, which kindled my great desire to buy them.

Wednesday the 26th of August

I have been to the Greek Patriarchate, working at the library. Tomorrow, according to the old calendar, is the anniversary of the Dormition of the Mother of God. A special celebration at the tomb of the Heavenly Mother in Gethsemane shall be held. I have been officially invited to take part.

The Patriarchate is having a very hard time now. All the shops have been locked since the conflict began, while the only source of its income was the rent for the shops.

Father Nicholas had a dinner with us today. I walked him home afterwards. He would soon leave the Holy Land, and he was going to found a small Orthodox monastery at home in England.[154] He advised me that tomorrow would bring a unique occasion to enquire, with help of the Polish Consul General, the British commissioner about the possibility to found a Georgian monastery by the Jordan. “The Heavenly Mother, who is the patron saint of Georgia, will inspire the gentleman to act for the benefit of your cause,” Father Nicholas said.

I also needed to think about some souvenirs that I would bring to my friends from the Holy Land. Father Nicholas told me I should not buy anything overly expensive or large. Although he had worked as a customs officer somewhere in the Far East after the tragedy of the Russian imperial family, he still did not like customs officers himself.

I walked him home and went to the other end of Jerusalem to the tremendous YMCA building, which stood at the place where a Georgian cemetery had been in the old times.

The YMCA in Jerusalem was a Masonic institution, which it did not conceal, and for this reason it had a bad reputation among all the Christians of Jerusalem. As if out of spite, I met two Russian nuns waiting for a bus by the YMCA building. They were watching me discretely. Indeed they did not have any idea that contacts between scientists (or simply common interests) could exist. I did not really care.

The secretary of the YMCA received me very courteously and led me to the yard where the tombstone, which was now kept by the Palestinian Museum, had been found. They also had their own small and very attractive museum here.

On my way home I met Mr. Siksek, who I had not seen for a long while. He told me that a stone with a Georgian inscription had been found at the construction site of the villa in the territory of the Holy Cross Monastery. He promised he would give me more details about the finding later, instead he wanted to ask me for something. His request was rather strange. He said his great grandfather, the secretary Simeon, had been buried in the Georgian cemetery in Katamon. There had been a Georgian inscription on his gravestone, which stated his name and surname. Centuries later, the Greeks had only been able to read the word ‘Simeon’. Therefore, they had distinguished the place as the grave and home of the Biblical Simeon, who had taken Christ in his arms and said, “Now you are releasing your servant, Master, according to your word, in peace.”[155] I promised him I would go there tomorrow and examine the inscription. If I managed to read the surname, he would start using it at once. However, I was convinced I would not succeed.

By the way, family ties of the Secretaries (in Georgian Mdivani), who are related not only to dukes and to the Russian imperial family, but also to various film stars[156] are quite interesting. As I can see, the name of the secretary, who had lived many centuries ago, has been identified with one of the most notable characters of the Gospels …

Thursday the 27th of August

I was at the patriarchate at six in the morning. People had already been forming a procession in the yard next to the entrance. It was led by three archbishops, then over twenty archimandrites followed. The dragoman of the patriarchate, the great archimandrite, was at the head of the procession. Behind him the archbishops followed, and then we followed. There were no crosses, no gonfalons, no singing. The simplicity made the procession especially solemn. The service lasted until ten. The basilica was full of people. Each of the celebrating priests received a large bunch of flowers. This was not a Eucharistic service but a commemoration of the Holy Mother’s funeral. Each of us had to sing a hymn in turn from the very beautiful collection of hymns. I sang three times, and a deacon who was standing next to me helped me sing in Greek.

After the service, each of us received a large plate of grapes and figs, and one large pretzel. Obviously, before that, each of us was treated to a glass of good raki (vodka).

Then I went to the Polish Consulate General holding the pretzel and the large bunch of flowers in my hands. I trusted so much in the holiness of the day, and I was not disappointed.

One of the secretaries close to the High Commissioner (the Governor-General of Palestine[157]) asked me to come an hour later. I visited him and we talked about land for a Georgian monastery on the Jordan riverside. If all Christians had received their territories there, then our national dignity and past in this land required that we should not be treated exceptionally in this case.

The secretary was unusually courteous to me and he led me to another official, Rubi-Bey Abdul Wadi, who handled religious matters. He was an Arab. Before the war, he had been the Turkish consul in Tbilisi. Therefore, he knew the situation existing in Georgia and was glad to talk to me and recalled with sentiment the time he had spend there. “Of all the enemies who had ruled your country, Arabs were the most humane, and Tbilisi was under their control for over forty years,” he told me proudly because Georgians themselves had told him that in Tbilisi. Of course, he would do anything for us, but to achieve the purpose we needed to have an official, who either came from Georgia itself or descended from Georgian emigrants. This seemed to be a great problem. Our émigré circles did not have sufficient qualifications for such a cultural task, and nothing could be done about this matter in Georgia itself due to the political situation existing there. Anyway, I would have to write to them regarding this matter from Warsaw, so that at least a document concerning Georgians would remain in the dust of the archives.

After dinner, I went for a long walk to Katamon. Unfortunately, I did not find any inscription on the alleged tomb of St. Simeon. The deputy patriarch, Metropolitan Palladius, the only bishop who preached sermons in Arabic, lived near the monastery. I used the occasion and paid him a visit.

Friday the 28th of August

In the morning, straight after the breakfast, I went to the Jewish University. I had wished to visit this academic center long ago, yet I had not had enough time. Today was the last possible occasion because the Polish consul general would take me to Tel Aviv tomorrow, and I needed to write down for my Jewish friend, Emanuel Bin Gorion[158], various quotations of scientific works concerning Jews living in Germany in the times of Charles the Great.[159]

The director of the university library was Professor Doctor Weil[160]. He had been the director of the Orientalist Department at the Prussian National Library in Berlin. He received me as an old friend and gave me all the necessary materials.

After work he walked with me around the university campus and showed me various collections, the botanical, zoological and prehistoric, gathered by university departments. Dr. Weil and I had been colleagues at Bonn University. Then he had been a professor at Frankfurt University, and now he was a teacher at a middle school in Haifa. Professor Dr. Martin Plessner[161] used to come here during summer holidays to do research work at the university library.

The university garden was adjacent to the desert. Bedouins, goats on grazing land and shaggy Arab huts could be seen just behind the wall. Interestingly, Arabs did not like plants. The village in front of us did not have a single tree.

“The land behind the walls belongs to us,” my guide said, “and there is a plan to plant trees on the land. This way at least a small part of land will be taken away from the desert.”

This reminds me of my “Roses of Jericho.” Only extremely hard work, sweat and blood, can turn the desert, this dry flower, into an oasis and bring it to life…

I am very interested in the history of the Georgian Jews. Unfortunately, our Georgian science has not examined the issue at all, and Europe does not have any materials that could help to write a research paper on the subject. When it comes to me, I am too absorbed in other matters, which interest me more.

The Jews want to know the place where the tombstone of King Hyrcanus[162] has been found by the Russian Mission. Unfortunately I do not know that. There are no archives left at the Spiritual Mission; everything has been taken to Lenin-

grad.

After the dinner, the monks discuss the letter from the Zionist Committee with the question what should be done to bring the conflict to an end. The monks say a Protestant mission has sent a cross and the Gospel as an answer to the Jews. This means that the tragedy of the nation shall end when they convert into Christianity.

Apparently, there is no agreement among Jews, as well. The university, the only Jewish university, does not have an Old Testament chair, while such chairs exist at every department of theology. Hassids do not want scholars, while progressive Jews do not wish to give the chair to a so-called nachotchik.[163]

They speak of Jewish fanaticism, saying that Jews circumcise everyone who falls into their hands. I know many Russian emigrants, who have agreed to be circumcised to get a job from Jews. Such people even live at the Mission’s houses. This means that our clergy do not care about that at all.

There also is conflict between ideologically committed Jews, who came as young people, as children of the best Jewish families, with great enthusiasm to the Holy Land, who have devoted their lungs, and their health to drain the marshes, to blow up the rocks, and those who continue to be merchants even here, who have very low aspirations and no spiritual values.

Saturday the 29th of August

I was in Tel Aviv at eight o’ clock sharp. Even my friend, a German Jew, who had been waiting for me in front of the Polish Consulate’s building, was surprised by my punctuality.

[…][164]

Syria. I spent the last month of my vacation, September, in Syria, the northern neighbor of Palestine, since my work in Palestine had been very much frustrated by the Arab-Jewish conflict. Travelling in Palestine was dangerous, too.

What interested me most in Syria were the ancient Christian monuments in Sidon, Damascus and Aleppo, as well as the old Beroea, Antioch on the Orontes, which today is called the Asi, and above all the ruins of the monasteries of the two Simeons, the Pillar-Saints. Georgian monks had lived in the Monastery of Simeon the Younger as early as the 6th century.[165] Father Johannes Mecerian, a professor of the Jesuit University of Beirut, had attracted my attention to those places several years ago in Vienna.[166] He had been doing his excavation work for ten years, searching for Georgian monuments in the monastery ruins on Mons Admirabilis. Of course, this had kindled my interest and I wished to see him at work on site and to check the significance of the finds. The very possibility to see the places where the first chapters in the history of our Church had been written with martyrs’ blood was worth the journey. Another interesting destination was the orphanage of Dr. Johannes Lepsius[167] in Kaja Punar, which was on the way to the monasteries’ ruins. Obviously I wanted, at any price, to learn about this part of the work of life of our dear Dr. Lepsius.

Friday the 11th of September, Aleppo

Today I am leaving Aleppo for Antioch. The Armenian bishop’s secretary has told me that the quickest and the simplest way to go to Kaja Punar leads through Antioch. To my astonishment, the Armenians here do not know anything about Kaja Punar. In the morning I took a walk and kept asking about Kaja Punar at shops; however I did not obtain any information. My visit to the Jesuit prefect was of more use. I learnt there that I could find Father Mecerian, who I had already mentioned, outside Antioch. I need to hurry, as he intends to return to Beirut. I will probably have to join a small caravan, which brings him food and mail from Antioch every week.

Antioch is one of the oldest cities in the world. High culture once flourished here, by the Orontes riverside. This was the place where not only prefects and consuls of the powerful Roman Empire resided but also emperors and high-ranking clergymen (for example John Chrysostom)[168] had their residences. Half of the local population are Armenians. The city is located far away from the modern communication route, so it attracts few travelers eager for sensational adventures and experiences. It does not have the gigantic ruins of Palmyra or Baalbek, the grandness and elegance of Damascus or the subtle charm of life of Beirut. A man who has no interest in old historical places cannot really find anything worth seeing here except for beautiful clean streets, pleasant greenery, goldsmiths’ shops trading in old coins and jewellery and the gorgeous, though turbid, Orontes.

First I visited Capuchins, the only order, which represented the Catholic faith here, since I had received their address in Aleppo. They also ran an orphanage for Armenian children. The father superior received me kindly and promised that he would make sure I could join the caravan that set out from here to Father Mecerian on Mons Admirabilis. One of the orphans led me to the inn, which the father superior had recommended to me. I was astonished to learn that Mr. Antranig Kavukdian, director of Dr. Lepsius’s orphanage, was going to come here today. Mr. Kavukdian, who usually took care to visit the city once or twice a month, would stop at the same inn. I was very lucky. I changed my plans at once and I decided I would wait for Mr. Kavukdian and go with him to Kaja Punar. I was going to see the monastery ruins there.

Saturday the 12th of September,

Antioch. Mr. Kavukdian came yesterday. We met for the first time, since I had not had the occasion to meet him in Germany. Mr. Kavukdian persuaded me to set out on the trip to Mons Admirabilis, which I had planned, from Kaja Punar. Before the noon, which I have reserved for Mr. Kavukdian, I am going to see the old monastery mosaic. The University of Pennsylvania has been doing excavation work at the site where an old Antiochan theatre (or temple) had stood. A very valuable mosaic has been found there. It has been moved for storage to a camp one kilometer away from the city. The place where it had been found has been closed to the public. I have been told that the find will be divided into three parts; one will go to America, one to the Louvre and one will be left here. I was disappointed at the entrance because the mosaics could be seen only in the afternoon. However, I managed to get inside thanks to a French officer, who also wanted to see the camp. So I was marveling at the old mosaics in the company of that gentleman, who was fascinated by Greek mythology and art. We were trying to understand their meaning together. I learnt from my conversation with that refined expert on the country that he admired Frederick Barbarossa[169] and had been looking for his tomb. After all he had been born in Antioch, and there was a place, which was believed to be his tomb. The French officer rejected my offer to see the catacombs, which were three kilometers away from the place. “The Orient has better and worthier to see places than churches and mosques,” he claimed.

During the day, Mr. Kavukdian and I visited the Capuchin father superior and saw the market, especially the goldsmith shops. The goods disappointed me greatly

I had to pay the hotel bill, which was a logistically complicated operation, and was about to set out on the trip to Kaja Punar. Yet the car owner, with whom we had struck a deal yesterday, did not wish to go today. Of course, he wanted to obtain a higher price. The talks were frantic and loud, and led to no agreement. Finally, Mr. Kavukdian and I hitched a ride in a Turkish car, which was passing by. We were four in the car, the car owner, his driver, Mr. Kavukdian and I. We made two stopovers, one by the breathtaking Daphne waterfall, the fabulous story of which I heard from Mr. Kavukdian,[170] and then at another place, where the vegetation was not so dense and green.

Besides, the ride was dangerous and thrilling. When another car overtook ours and Mr. Kavukdian made a sarcastic comment about our driver, which hurt his Eastern pride, and he raced along wildly. Two mysteriously smiling Turks, whose thoughts we could not guess, were sitting next to us. Mr. Kavukdian’s comment made me realize clearly that our situation was critical. During that breakneck ride I longed for Kaja Punar as if it were an oasis. Finally, we reached it.

Sunday the 13th of September, Kaja Punar

I am staying in a beautiful small house with gorgeous views on every side. Jebel Balum, also called Mount Cassius, is before of my eyes. I can see Cyprus and admire the phenomenon of ‘eternal light’ behind it. While we are surrounded by night, it is daytime in Cyprus. The ‘eternal light’ phenomenon was witnessed by Hadrian[171] and Julian the Apostate.[172] On the other sides the view stretches over small hills, rocks, fields and forests. The orphanage itself seems to be a small duchy where children work and rule. Each child is in charge of something; one looks after the pigs, another takes care of the grapes, still another is responsible for the workshop. Each child has a task, according to their skills and the situation.

This way the children are taught how to be responsible and self-reliant. They also learn to take decisions by themselves. These are very important elements in the process of education.

Some of the property belongs to the German Eastern Mission, yet a major part is leased from Armenians of Kesab. The mission has the right to buy it, though. The buildings stand in the cheapest part of the country, on Armenian land.

Today is Sunday. Although a community of over one hundred Georgian Armenians, including obviously many children, live here, they do not have a priest. Mr. Kavukdian preaches sermons by himself. I have been asked today to give a short speech to the children. I am a little tired after yesterday’s trip, and it will not be an easy task to speak to children I do not know, but I agree. After a short prayer (concentration) at the director’s house, which Mr. and Mrs. Demnitz, Mr. Schneider, the English lady who had come on a visit from Aleppo and the two charming daughters of Mr. Kavukdian joined, I drew inspiration from the wonderful Gospel Parables and went down to the children, who had been waiting for me in the classroom. I stood in front of them wearing my cassock and, under the impression of our dangerous ride yesterday dangerous, I told them the Parable of the Good Samaritan. I reminded them of the road that Jesus had told of two thousand years ago, “A certain man was going down from Jerusalem to Jericho, and he fell among robbers.”[173] At the conclusion I drew out the image of our contemporary Good Samaritan, our virtuous Dr. Johannes Lepsius.

In the late afternoon we had a little picnic in the orphanage garden, among the huge rocks, by the stream flowing out from the ground. The children were dancing and singing in Armenian. Some of them were dressed up as Bedouins; they were wearing the clothes I had bought as souvenirs in Damascus. At the end, the British lady gave every child a handful of caramels, and the beautiful Sunday came to an end.

Monday the 14th of September. Kaja Punar

We were on a wonderful excursion to Jebel Cassius this morning. Mr. Demnitz and Ms. Still came with us. We took a horse and some food. There were ruins of St. Barlaam’s Monastery on the mountain, hence its name Jebel Balum. Interestingly, the only description of the saint’s life was preserved in Georgian; it had been published by Professor Niko Marr. I had found an older manuscript on the subject at the British Museum, which I had written about.[174] So I was on familiar ground. Why had only the Georgian language version been preserved? This was a very interesting question. Of course, it could be explained by the fact that the word ‘Cassius’ in Georgia had been transformed into ‘Caucasus’, and then the Georgian legend of Caucasus in Syria had been borne. I was breathing my native air in this strange land.

Unfortunately, the ruins were not secured. Nevertheless, as I had heard, Father Mecerian wanted to conduct excavation work here, as well.

A beautiful view stretched out from the top of the mountain. The proud peak of Jebel el Atra was in front of us, at the distance of a three-hour ride. The old bay of Antioch, where the famous port city of Seleucia had once flourished, of which only ruins remained, was behind us.

Tuesday the 15th of September. Kaja Punar

I am resting after yesterday’s trip. I am handling the mail and reading a French book about the Alawites, who may be met in this area. They are believed to be the true descendants of the old Phoenicians. They are Arabized followers of the 9th century teachings of Muhammad Ibn Nusayr, yet they have their own religion, which is certainly a mixture of their native beliefs with elements of the Christian faith and Islam. They have their own priests and mysterious ceremonies. They spend the night of the New Year on the top of Jebel el Atra, and with prayers welcome the first rays of the sun rising in the east. They do not let anyone who is not of their religion take part in the celebration[175].

Wednesday the 16th of September. Kaja Punar

My Armenian guide and I set out on a search for the ‘Miraculous Mountain’ today. Although Mr. Kavukdian had described the way in detail to my guide, apparently he was not sure. He asked the way several times, in vain. During the trip I became aware of two pleasant Eastern customs, namely hungry wanderers could freely eat fruit on trees growing next to the road and ask for fresh water at every house. My guide had made use of the customs on numerous occasions. Finally, we reached the Orontes and old Pitias, which today was a poor small town, this is the place where John Chrysostom and his disciples had spent summer holidays. We finally found a man, an Armenian, who could show us the way.

We walked through the ancient town of Seleucia, which is now Armenian, then we crossed the dirty river and some fields, and then we entered a small Arab village at the foot of the ‘Miraculous Mountain’. The proper current name of the mountain is Jebel al Seman (which means the Mountain of Simeon), since one of the three greatest saints of the ancient Church, Simeon the Younger, the Pillar-Saint lived here (he died in 592). Since many miraculous stories had been told about him, the mountain was called miraculous. The monastery on the mountain was destroyed during the Ottoman invasion. Father Mecerian has been conducting excavations in the ruins for ten years.

Father Mecerian received us warmly. He showed me all of his works and some Georgian inscriptions. A Georgian mosaic inscription, dating back to the 6th or 7th century, the only one I knew at all, was to be found here. I was sleeping in a tent, and there was a terrible rainstorm at night, one of the ‘terrible rainstorms’ described in the lives of saints, during which the monastery cisterns had been filled with water.

Thursday the 17th of September. Kaja Punar

Before my departure, the father showed me once more the ruins and the gorgeous view stretching out as far as Antioch. I could see the sea, Jebel el Atra and the famous Jebel Mufa, with a few Armenian villages on its slopes. The monument of the French Unknown Soldier built by the Armenians stood on the mountain top. I said my warm farewell to Father Mecerian and left.

Friday-Sunday the 18th–20th of September. Kaja Punar

I am still in Kaja Punar and I do not wish to leave, since I have found a part of my homeland here. Everyone is so pleasant and dear to me. I read about the Alawites and play and walk with the children. Then I spend many hours sitting under the marvelous fig trees and feasting on their delightful fruit. The trees grow here in hundreds. There are many of them by the roads, and boys guard the fruit against Turkish wanderers.

Now I can take more care of the orphans. Every evening, before they go to bed, they gather around Mr. Schneider, who tells them a story. All the children like this tale time and in deep concentration watch the teller’s lips. They especially like stories about great heroes. They listen with open mouths, sometimes one of them asks about something, sometimes they all laugh and sometimes they help the teller when he cannot find a proper word in Armenian.

Monday the 21st of September. Kaja Punar

The time had come to think about my further journey, so I said goodbye and went with a small orphan boy to Kesab to find a car that would take me to Latakia, the Alawite capital, the ancient Laodicea, where Apollinaris the Elder and Apollinaris the Younger (father and son) had once lived.[176]

With a heavy heart I left this wonderful land, the blissful nature, which sharply contrasted with the impression its residents made. The Armenians, which I met here, seemed to be depressed, as if the tragedy of the war had left its mark on them. The only traces of the great and lofty things, which the land had witnessed throughout its history, and which glorious men had achieved were ruins.

[…][177]

Saturday the 26th of September. Beirut

I was wandering around the city in the morning and I bought a large box of Damascene sweets for my friends in Warsaw, and a newspaper, for the first time during my journey.

I was reading that the celebrations of the proclamation of independence of Syria would start today in Aleppo and last for three days. A high-ranking dignitary from Paris shall read the proclamation of independence.

I still had time until Monday, so I guessed I could go to Aleppo and be back in time. I did not give it a second thought and went to the hotel and took the garçon who would lead me to the garage. I left all my belongings at the hotel; I did not even take my warm coat.

We were at the garage at nine, and the bus owner assured me we would set out to Aleppo in half an hour.

I paid a whole Syrian pound for the miserable seat and boarded the bus.

The owner was happy because he had managed to cheat a naïve foreigner and continued selling the tickets.

Two women with covered faces were patiently sitting in front of me. They had probably been here since early morning.

I could not leave the bus as I did not want to lose my seat, besides they could even not let me on again, so I was sitting patiently and complaining about the moment when I had bought the newspaper. National communication buses going to Damascus stood before us. Some of them had already left, and we were still standing.

The bus was slowly becoming full of passengers. There were still too few of us, because all the seats must be taken. Several Bedouins sat down next to me.

We finally set out at half past one. I asked the driver at what time we would reach Aleppo. He said at six or at half past six at the latest the same day.

How? The city was over four hundred kilometers away!

We were still in the city when the driver noticed the bus had run out of water. Although we had been waiting for hours in the garage and the driver had had nothing to do, he had not thought about that. So this was our first stopover.

It was still possible to breathe in the bus because the police often checked the number of passengers. It appeared that there was one extra passenger; a boy had been hiding under the long robes of sitting Arabs.

When we passed the checkpoint behind Tripoli, Arabs were standing almost at every step, and they all wished to board the bus. At first they bargained over the price, and when the deal was struck, the assistant opened the door and let them in. Finally, the bus was so crowded that they were almost sitting on our knees.

Then the bus ran out of petrol; and we stopped again.

I witnessed an unusual hassle during one of the stopovers.

There was a small shop where a woman sold curds. The passengers got off the bus and were treating themselves to the curds or walking. I stayed inside and was reproaching myself for having taken the risk and gone on the trip when I had so little time left. In case of any delay I might even be late for the ship, which would leave Haifa on the 29th of September at three o’clock in the afternoon. I had heard it departed very punctually.

Now I could not do anything else about that but to drink the cup to the end.

Suddenly I heard some yells in the shop, and the whole quarrelling company came out. I asked an elderly and decently-looking man, who was sitting next to me, what had happened.

It appeared that one of the Arabs had ordered curds for two piasters, and the woman had given him the curds for five piasters. Possibly she had misunderstood him. Now he was paying her two piasters, and she demanded five. The argument had reached its peak. The Arab hurled a volley of abuse at the woman. Finally her husband appeared, the police came and they all went to the policeman’s room to write down the records of the incident.

Meanwhile we were sitting in the bus and waiting. The men showed their impatience, made a fuss and demanded that we should leave at once. The women were sitting quietly and did not say a word.

I wanted to pay the three piasters to waste no more time but I did not know how I should do that. I asked my neighbor for advice. He looked at me and said, “This is not about money, this is about their honor!”

We finally set off.

Light could be seen somewhere far in the desert. One of the Arabs had some business to do with the man who lived there, probably in the tent. So he went there and we were waited for more than an hour.

Finally, a passengers’ delegation went there and asked him to finish his business as soon as possible.

Then we stopped at a station where figs could be bought. I bought some for several piasters. The pale boy who had been hiding beneath the Bedouin’s robe was staring at me, so I gave him as many figs as his small hands could hold.

The desert again.

It was after ten, and dark. Suddenly we saw a stone mark, which indicated that there were one hundred and twenty kilometers left to Aleppo. I sighed heavily. One of the Arabs sitting opposite of me was watching me and said, “Khavaja zabakhtan,” which meant “You have been forsaken.”

Christ used the same expression during His greatest suffering on the cross, “Eli, Eli, lamma sabachtani!”[178] I was glad that the word was still alive and that I had heard it just a moment ago from that uneducated man, probably a craftsman. I was overcome with joy; so my journey through this Dantean night had a purpose!

Still, we were very far from the direct destination of our journey.

A city again. It was Homs, i.e. the ancient famous city of Emesa. One of its famous residents had been the Neapolitan Nemesius[179], the author of the philosophical treatise on the human soul.[180]

We were in a garage again. The bus had broken down, and the driver and his assistant were repairing it.

A not very tall man came over to me. I had the impression he was one of the passengers. “Look at them,” he said in French and laughed, “They want to repair a machine made of iron and keep it in one piece using ropes! You do not come from here, do you?” he asked me a minute later. “No, I am on a tourist trip through this country,” I answered.

“The elderly woman, who travels with me noticed that,” the stranger continued. “I call her my aunt because of her age, although she is not exactly my aunt. She is leaving for Turkey tomorrow, and I am escorting her to the train station in Aleppo. She noticed you at once,” he continued after the introduction, “and told me you could not be an Arab because you were not making any fuss here and you had a kind heart, because you gave figs to the boy.”

What could his nationality be? He did not like Arabs, so he could be Armenian; still Armenians were quite secretive and would never share their thoughts with a stranger. He was not tall.

“What nationality are you?” I asked him.

“I am Circassian,” he said and, seeing my astonishment, he added at once, “We have physically deteriorated in this land, among these people. There are no such handsome men, as the legends tell, left among us. Still we are superior to others in our spirit, cunning and intelligence. For example, my aunt, who is not exactly my aunt (and he repeated the same story) has learnt Turkish and Arabic in a very short time; she came from Kabarda several years ago.”

I told him that I also came from the Caucasus, from Georgia, and that I currently lived in Warsaw.

“I have a friend there,” he interrupted me, “editor Baytugan[181]. I have not met him personally; we used to write to one another. I used to receive the magazine for Caucasian highlanders, Şimali Kafkasya[182], of which he was the editor. I gained three new subscribers for the magazine several years ago. Then I was ill and I could not send the money, and I have not received the magazine for a long time now.”

I promised I would settle the matter in Warsaw and that the magazine would be sent to him.

“I have also,” he continued, “written an article about Circassian horses for the magazine. However it has not been printed.[183]”

Such a man, who worked far away on site, must be encouraged, so I assured him that his work would be taken into consideration.

He had much information about our Caucasian federation, and he had contacts among various Circassians holding important posts here.

There were many senior officials among them. Nearly the entire French cavalry there, various posts in the army, police and gendarmerie were staffed by Circassians. They were also quite numerous among civilian officials. Armenians were their only competitors there.

The man was a teacher at the Circassian school in Quneitra.

“Some time ago, a Georgian used to be the French teacher at your school. Did you know him?” I asked him and told him the name of my fellow countryman.

“I do not know him, and no one in Quneitra knows him,” he answered me on reflection.

A group of Arab Bedouins came up to us. One of them was going to Aleppo with his whole family. They asked the Kabardian who I was and what I was looking for. They had no idea about scientific or tourist travel. For them, anyone who left his homeland was a rich and a stupid man looking for adventures in a strange land. They called this fancy.

“If he has no business in Aleppo and is going there just for a fancy,” said one of them, “he would better return to Beirut at once. This is the last place he can take a train from; there is no communication further on”

However now, especially that I had an interesting travel companion, I had to go to the end.

He claimed he had never had such a bad trip as this one and he was afraid his aunt might be late for the train, which would leave Aleppo to go to Turkey at six o’clock in the morning. The next day he was going back to Beirut, where he had a business to settle, and suggested we could go together.

We had to board the bus. The engine had finally been repaired and we set off.

More passengers joined us in the city. When I had been talking to the Kabardian, a Bedouin had taken my seat by the window and he did not want to give it back to me. This cost a lot of shouting and irritation, both from the Kabardian and my neighbor, the Arab from Dair az Zaur on the Euphrates and from the Arab who had told the great and marvelous word “zabakhtan” to me, as they all were trying to remove the Bedouin from my seat.

“This is the worst seat,” the Kabardian told me. “You should always seat next to the driver, but that costs seventy five piasters.”

“And I paid a whole pound, which means a hundred piasters, for my seat,” I answered. He was outraged by this new proof of Arab mischief.

“How can they abuse a stranger in such a dishonorable way?” he asked the Arab living by the Euphrates.

Tough luck. No one would give twenty five piasters back to me. Hopefully, they would not throw me out of the bus in the middle of the road!

We dragged on.

The Arab who had argued about the three piasters and seemed to be a very poor man was now engaged in some business negotiations with another Arab and took out a thick wad of banknotes. My neighbor had started dozing and unintentionally touched the back of a Bedouin, who started yelling. Another argument. I could not sleep, so I stood up and I left my seat to the Arab from the Euphrates.

The Bedouin, who had wanted to take my seat, was snoring in a corner. He was nearly lying on the poor boy. He was dirty and frothing at the mouth.

We arrived in Aleppo at a quarter to five.

Sunday the 27th of September, Aleppo

The streets of Aleppo were illuminated and crowded with walkers, onlookers, and women covered with black robes, who were walking down the roads. Joyous and happy shouting were omnipresent. At the sight of our bus the people welcomed us and clapped their hands. Apparently they thought we were a delegation. The passengers laughed and waived or clapped their hands in return. I did not know why I suddenly took the hands of the dirty Bedouin, who had wanted to remove me from my seat yesterday, the hands which had no expression, will or character, and he started clapping his hands. He screamed with amusement, and the dirty froth splattered the boy, who was sitting nearby.

He called me an Arab, so now I became his fellow countryman. Was he aware of what that meant?

The bus stopped in a garage and we stepped off.

The Kabardian took a hackney carriage to the railway station and promised that he would be back in an hour and a half.

I was tired and went to look for a room. There were none! All were occupied.

I went to a familiar coffee shop. The waiter I knew found me a seat with great difficulty, and I ordered coffee. I was dirty after the journey, but I could not even wash here.

I was looking at the moving crowds and I was startled again by the beauty and vividness of their dress. People were marching barefooted, holding sabers in their hands. Some of them were holding rust-eaten kinjals, taken out of old chests.

Unwittingly I thought about the Ethiopians, who had attacked Italian tanks with such sabers and kinjals or pointed them up at the proud aircraft.

I had to start arranging the return trip. There was no timetable, so I went to the railway station.

Aleppo had two stations, the main one and another, which was a sort of a substation of the main one. The other one was nearby, so I went there. On my way I met the Kabardian riding with his aunt and her luggage. They had been instructed to go to the other station. It was obvious that trains to Turkey departed only from the main station because it had the customs office. I told him to go there immediately as they could be late.

According to the timetable, the train to Beirut would depart at ten in the evening. “It can be delayed,” the station chief told me, and I was sure of that. He was not in a position to tell me when the train would arrive in Beirut, maybe tomorrow evening and maybe as late as the morning after tomorrow, anyway not at the time indicated in the timetable.

On my way to the place, where the Kabardian and I had arranged to meet, I saw a newly built mosque, which was still unfinished. Three Arabs wearing beautiful Phrygian silk caps and artfully embroidered colorful vests, yet were barefooted, were kneeling at the entrance steps. An old man with a big clay pot was sitting next to them, and a homeless dog was watching them from a distance.

The streets were still crowded with demonstrators. Representatives of all Christian denominations were among them. Although it was Sunday, no masses were celebrated at any Christian temple. Everyone was engaged in politics today. They created nothing but the same politics, which in turn would soon disappoint them. For the time being, just a poster with the cross overshadowed by the crescent had been published! France did not interfere with Christian religions.

Women with covered faces were standing everywhere and watching what was happening around them. Some sharp sounds could be heard from time to time spreading through the crowds. They reminded me of young colts neighing and were used instead of our ‘bravo’. A little later I realized that the piercing sounds were produced by women.

Of course, they were paid for their enthusiastic welcoming of the demonstrators.

My travel companion, the Kabardian, was already standing in the garage. He was tired and dirty, like me. We met the Arab, who had travelled with his numerous family. He complained that his suitcase had been stolen at night.

There were no buses, national or private, yet. However, there was a chance that one might appear in an hour, which one of the drivers assured me. He did not wish to recognize us at all after we had spent an hour at the coffee shop.

My companion went to search some transport, and I was waiting for him at the coffee shop. Finally, after a long while, he appeared.

“They are liars,” he complained. “They cannot be trusted at all. At one time they say there are buses, and then there aren’t.”

He had been born in this country and only now he noticed that people lied.

“There is nothing else we can do but wait until the evening and take the train,” he finally said thoughtfully and calmly. So much worry and concern was concealed beneath his external calmness.

We were hungry. We bought bread, cheese and grapes for five piasters, found a place somewhere on the street corner and started eating. Even passing Arabs stared at us. “Don’t worry,” my companion said. “No one knows us here, anyway.”

Then he disappeared again and finally returned in the company of several Circassians, who had also come for the national holiday. I wished to meet them. We were going to visit a man, who was our compatriot and who was a central figure in this place. He was a judge.

I had not washed and I was dirty, tired and angry.

I suggested, “Let’s go instead to the citadel, see the hall of the Mameluke authorities and take an imaginary journey into the times of those despots.”

However, my Kabardian did not have time and he was not really interested in history. He hated the country. He wanted to live in Europe, where, in his opinion, life was honest and complied with his rules, where people worked and did not deceive each other.

I bade him farewell. He told me his name. I was too tired and could not hear him well. Anyway, he was to return in an hour and we would travel together for a whole night or even night and day, so I would have enough time to write down his name and address.

Still, he did not return two hours later, so I went wandering around the city again. Everything here was decorated with Eastern splendor, except for the Armenian houses and hotels. The Armenians just hung out several banners and nothing more, no carpets or portraits of national heroes.

I suddenly thought I could go to the Englishman I knew and have some rest at his place.

The first gendarme I met gave me the address of the hospital, and I went as he directed me.

I was so lucky to have an acquaintance here! I had a good rest there, and we talked about current affairs.

“Aleppo has never seen so many people,” he said. “I wonder which of the nations, who manifest their joy, and march in the streets now, will benefit from the welfare and cultural development that independence will bring. Who will rule here and really enjoy independence.”

Syria is an ethnically diversified country. Enterprising and rich Armenians, who enjoy a good reputation among the French, live here. Then there are Circassians, at least as numerous as Armenians, i.e. at least half a million, who mainly occupy the south-eastern part of the country (while Armenians live in the north-eastern and north-western areas). They are bright, honest and good warriors, who are trusted by the French. Apart from them, there are native Syrians, who are followers of three religions, i.e. Nestorians, Jacobites and Maronites. Finally, there are Arabs, who belong to such various groups as Muslims, Alawites and the Druze[184]. Apart from them, there are Christian Arabs, who are followers of various denominations, i.e. Orthodox, Catholic (Uniate) and Protestant.

All these nations, who have common blood, hate each other bitterly. Everyone still remembers the history of the Druze, allegedly followers of Satan, and the way they were suppressed by the Circassians.

Other residents are Turks, who once ruled the country. They live among the Armenians. There are also quite a number of Russian immigrants. I have not heard about Jews here.

We are certain that in case the French really leave in three years’ time, the blood of all those nations will be gushing in spurts, and the only beneficiary will be Turkey, which strives for unifying its previous territories, at least as far as Alexandretta.

Then a new Armenian tragedy may occur, and Armenians realize that perfectly.

France has made a wise step by promising complete independence, since all those nations will beg the French to stay in their country in the name of peace.

When I was returning to the main railway station more or less at eight o’clock in the evening, I noticed that the German embassy was not decorated at all, while the Romanian one, to the contrary, was overloaded with carpets and colorful electric lamps. Was it that they had a craving for this country?

The waiting-room was crowded with Bedouins. Terrible screams and noises could be heard everywhere, and the dirt was indescribable. I found out where the station chief’s office was and I went there. He was an Armenian. I told him I was a university professor, a stranger in this country, and I asked him to sell me a railway ticket somehow, as I could not stand in the queue, as there was no queue at all, and people were pushing their way with sticks in their hands.

The chief was very kind. He sent for the caretaker at once, and I had the ticket in a quarter of an hour or so.

The train was already standing at the platform. I took my seat and then I noticed that one page was missing from my ticket. I was going to get off the train in Tripoli and there take the bus to Beirut, which always waited for the train. Thus I had a chance to leave Beirut for Haifa the next day. Otherwise, if I went by train to Beirut, I might be late and I would have to wait for another ship to Poland, i.e. two weeks. Yet I did not have the bus ticket, even though I had given the caretaker money for it.

I went to the station again. I could not find the chief, so I went to the booking clerk. A huge crowd was standing at the booking office; everyone was screaming and demanding tickets. I thought the clerk must be in a terrible situation; his head had to be splitting because of the yelling. I saw a side door leading to the office and a gendarme at the door. I went to the door and tried to get inside without paying attention to the gendarme. He stopped me and said in Arabic the entry was forbidden. I pretended I did not understand him at all and replied in French I had to settle an important matter on behalf of the station chief. Then he let me in, closed the door behind me and forced the Arabs back with a stick, since they wanted to get there after me.

Monday the 28th of September

We set out shortly before midnight. There were few passengers in the compartment, two Bedouins and one Nestorian, who looked like an old Assyrian despot.

The Bedouins had an attractive shepherd’s crook, which reminded me of a Catholic bishop’s pastoral staff. I wanted very much to buy it from them and I asked the Nestorian to ask them about the price. “Mon vieux,” he answered, “il ne faut pas du tout parle avec eux, ce sont des animaux.”[185]

The train was very slow and it was already late. I wondered whether it would be even later! There was a draught in the compartment, so I tried to shut the window, in vain. The Nestorian did not manage to shut it, either. “Ask the controller,” he said and smiled slyly.

The controller came, so I asked him for help. “Forget it,” he muttered, “do you think I am stronger than you?”

The Nestorian laughed openly. “You are not in Europe,” he said, “where people are polite. This is Asia! Asia!” He repeated contemptuously, and I felt he was missing Europe. “If you go by yourself with those animals,” he pointed out to the Bedouins, “they will throw you out of the train right off the bat and cut your throat or stone you to death in the desert.”

We stopped at a station. The Nestorian and the Bedouins get off for a while. Suddenly, an Arab with a small youngster rushed into the compartment. The boy threw the coat of one of the Bedouins down on the floor and took his seat. I was outraged. There were enough seats there! “This boy will grow up to be a thief,” I thought and asked his father to bring up his son better (was he well-brought up himself?). He started yelling, “Is my son travelling for free? Has he not paid for the ticket?”

So since he had paid he was allowed to do anything.

The Nestorian had heard the yelling and came. The Arab at once let him have his seat and showed him more respect although he did not know him at all. I wondered why? The Nestorian was not better dressed than me. Instead, authority, strength, impudence and contempt for all of them emanated from him, for which he was respected.

Interestingly, similar despotism and servility could be found not only in these distant deserts!

The bus had been waiting for us in Tripoli. I only had time to go to the hotel and pick up my belongings. I was in the Beirut garage a quarter of an hour before the departure of the national communication bus to Haifa.

During the one hundred and sixty kilometers’ route to Haifa the road ran along the sea coast, between the borders of Sidon and Tyre. I was glad that everything had ended so well. I was only sorry I had not seen the Kabardian again. Never mind. The Circassian issue is very interesting and it is impossible to study it during one night on a train. It will be worthwhile to come here again for that purpose and devote more time to this important issue. New great prospects open up to this nation, and we must help it achieve that. Once, when the nation ruled in Egypt and Asia Minor, it did much good for the Georgian culture since it patronized the Georgian monasteries and monks in those countries. I even have unknown documents, which show how the Muslim Mameluks made contributions to the Georgian monasteries.

Now it is our turn! Whose? Our emigration’s… I suddenly stopped my train of thought. It was so pleasant and marvelous here! We seemed to be going through a paradise; the sea was on the right hand, and the mountains, villages and blooming gardens on the left. And that Kabardian wanted to run away from here to European cities, where winter, frost and fog lasted for almost half a year, and forced their way inside us and our lungs, infected us with tuberculosis, and deprived us of all the most subtle colors of our soul and character, of our national colors, and the colors of our country…

[1] Jerome of Stridon (circa 347‒420) — a Father of the Church, made a new translation of the Bible books from Hebrew into Latin, the Vulgate. He was an author of dogmatic, exegetical and historiographical works. In the Christian Orthodox Church, he is worshiped as a blessed) (in the text all the footnotes by Henryk Paprocki).

[2] For instance, according to the Georgian Church tradition, Georgian Jews brought the Lord’s Chiton [i.e. a tunic] to Georgia as early as the 1st century. Unfortunately, I do not have the Chronicle of Georgia at hand, and I must quote M. Tamarati, L’Eglise géorgienne des origines jusqu’à nos jours (Rome, 1910), pp. 95‒119: La sainte Tunique en Géorgie. [See: Nawrócenie Kartlii, trans. D. Kolbaia (Warsaw, 1995), pp. 49‒54].

[3] The entire material was compiled by K. Kekelidze, “K voprosu ob iyerusalimskom proiskhozhdenii gruzinskoi Tserkvi,” Soobshcheniya Pravoslavnogo Palestinskogo Obshchestva 26 (): 384‒391. [Korneli Kekelidze (1879‒1962) — Georgian philologist, specialist in old Georgian literature. He was the rector of Tbilisi seminary, where Grigol Peradze studied, and he significantly helped Peradze leave for Germany to study there].

[4] K. Kekelidze, Iyerusalmsky kanonar VII veka (Tbilisi, 191); G. Peradze, A. Baumstark, “Die Weihnachtsfeier Jerusalems im siebten Jahrhundert,” OC, vo. 23, no. 1 (1927): 310‒318.

[5] R. Raabe, Petrus der Iberer, ein Charakterbild zur Kirchen und Sittengeschichte des fünften Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1895).

[6] The catalogue of Georgian manuscripts of the Greek Patriarchate in Jerusalem has been published twice: A. Cagareli, “Памятники грузинской старины в Святой Земле и на Синае,” Православный Палестинский Сборник 6 (1888): 144‒192; R. P. Blake, “Catalogue des manuscrits géorgiens de la bibliothèque patriarcale grecque à Jérusalem,” Revue de l’Orient Chrétien 7 (1924), pp 190‒210, 387‒429; 25 (1925‒1926), pp. 132‒155.

[7] According to descriptions by Georgian pilgrims, only the following have been published: by Timothy, archbishop of Kartli of 1755 (Tbilisi, 1852); Jona, metropolitan of Ruisi of 1783‒1790 (Tbilisi 1852); and Peter, bishop of Alaverdi of 1899 (Tbilisi, 1901). A manuscript with a very interesting description of a journey through the Holy Land by Mr. Avalishvili is available at the Museum of Antiquity in Tbilisi.

[8] This friend was major Michael Irakli Kinkadze. 108 Georgian contract officers, including 6 Generals, served in the Polish Army between World War I and World War II.

[9] Luke 1:46‒56.

[10] Our Lady of Sorrows.

[11] Mon père (French) — my father.

[12] Tak khorosho govorit po russki (Russian) — See, what good Russian he speaks.

[13] Peter the Iberian (411‒491) — Georgian monk who lived in the Holy Land. Nowadays Peter the Iberian is believed to be the author of a number of works known under the name of Dionysius the Areopagite (cf. Ac 17:34), a disciple of apostle Paul, written by an anonymous author in the late 5th or early 6th centuries (cf. I. Popov & A. Pokrovski, “Dionisij Arieopagit”, in Christianstvo. Enciclopedichesky slovar, vol. 1 [Moscow, 1993], pp. 480‒483), who was worshiped as a saint in Georgia over a certain period; cf. Sh. Nutsubidze, Taina Psevdo-Dionisija Areopagita (Tbilisi, 1942); E. Honigmann, Pierre l’Ibérien et les écrits du Pseudo-Denys l’Aréopagite (Brussels, 1952); V. Chachanidze, Petr Iver i arkheologicheskiye raskopki gruzinskogo monastyria v Iyerusalime (Tbilisi, 1977); Zhytiya gruzinskikh sviatykh, compiled by Z. Machitadze, M. Bukia, and M. Bulia (Tbilisi, 2002), p. 222.

[14] Cf. E. Horn, Iconographiae locorum et monumentorum veterum Terrae Sanctae (Rome, 1902), p. 187 ff.

[15] A. Cagareli, op. cit., p. 122.

[16] Timotheos I (Pitagoras Themelis, 1878‒1955) — took the vows and holy orders of deaconate in 1906, secretary of Nea Sion journal from 1907; took the holy orders of priesthood in 1914 and was granted the title of an archimandrite; Bishop of Jordan between 1921 and 1935, Patriarch of Jerusalem from 1935; author of 37 works in history and archaeology of the Holy Land.

[17] Dionizy (Konstantyn Waledyński, 1876‒1960) — Metropolitan of Warsaw and All Poland from 1923. Invited father Grigol Peradze to Poland to work as a professor of the Christian Orthodox Church Theology Department at Warsaw University and to be the guardian of the Georgian colony in Poland. Removed from his post at the Church in 1948 by communist authorities.

[18] Germanos (Strinopoulos, 1872‒1951) — took the vows and holy orders of deaconate in 1897; rector of Chalki Theological Academy between 1904 and 1922; he took the holy orders of priesthood and was granted the title of an archimandrite in 1907; titular metropolitan of Seleucia in 1912; metropolitan of Thyateira from 1922, exarch of the ecumenical patriarch for Northern and Western Europe. Conferred the holy orders of deacon and priest on Grigol Peradze in 1931.

[19] Shota Rustaveli (2nd half of the 12th century–early 13th century) — Georgian poet, statesman, progenitor of the modern Georgian literature, author of one of the greatest world’s masterpieces, the epic poem Vepkhistqaosani (The Knight in the Panther’s Skin, trans. Marjory Scott Wardrop [London: The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1912]).

[20] Cf. G. Peradze, “W jaki sposób uczcić na emigracji jubileusz Szoty Rustawelego?” Wschód-Orient vol. 7, no. 1 (1936): 86‒87; idem, “Kim jest dla nas Szota Rustawieli?” Polska Stronica Słowa vol. 2, no. 51 (1937): 2; idem, “Religia Szoty Rustaweli’ego,” G. Nakaszidze, Szota Rustaweli (Warsaw, 1937), pp. 13‒15.

[21] Alexy (Aleksander Gromadzki, 1882‒1943) — bishop of Volhynia, killed by banderovtsy.

[22] Matt 11:11.

[23] Akathist (Greek akathistos — ‘not sitting’) — liturgical hymn consisting of twelve songs, which is sung by standing people.

[24] Oikos (Greek oikos — ‘a house’) — stanza of an akathist hymn.

[25] Woizero Menen Astaw (1889‒1962) — the first wife of Emperor Haile Selassie I (1892‒1975), whom she married in 1911.

[26] Princess Tenagne Work (1912‒2003) — the eldest daughter of Emperor Haile Selassie I, wife of aristocrat, General Ras Desta Damtew (1892‒1937), whom she married in 1932.

[27] Woizero Walatta Israel (1906‒1945) — wife of the successor to the throne, Prince Meridazmach Asfaw Wossen (Amha Selassie, 1916‒1997), whom she married in 1932.

[28] Herod Antipas (22 BC–39 AD) — son of Herod the Great, appointed tetrarch of Perea and Galilee in 4 BC; exiled by Roman Emperor Caligula in 39 AD.

[29] Charles Sydney Gibbes (1876‒1963) — tutor of children of Tsar Nicholas II between 1908 and 1918; converted into Orthodox Christianity in 1934 and took the holy vows as a monk (he was given the name of Nicholas); came back to Great Britain in 1937; cf. Ch. L. Benag, An Englishman in the Court of the Tsar: The Spiritual Journey of Charles Sydney Gibbes (London, 2000); F. Welch, The Romanovs and Mr. Gibbes (London, 2003).

[30] Hieromonk (Greek hieromonachos) — monk who has taken holy orders of priesthood.

[31] Alexander Cagareli (1844‒1929) — Georgian philologist, specialist in Old Georgian literature, professor at Tbilisi University. Grigol Peradze wrote the following about him, “As a role model to emulate in my scholarly life I chose famous Georgian scholar Cagareli, who was the first to look for Georgian manuscripts around the world and begin their cataloguing. That pioneer in the sphere of Old Georgian literary studies had been a professor in St. Petersburg for a long time. He died just ten years ago in Tbilisi. Following in his footsteps I intended to see what had been inaccessible to him in the late 19th century.” Quoted in G. Peradze, “W służbie kultury gruzińskiej,” trans. A. Przybyszewska, Przegląd Prawosławny vol. 11, no. 10 (1996): 16.

[32] Elizabeth Feodorovna (1864‒1918) — sister of the last Empress of Russia, Alexandra Feodorovna; wife of Grand Duke Sergey Alexandrovich. After her husband was murdered by revolutionaries in 1905, she founded a hospice in Moscow. Thrown alive by Bolsheviks into a mine shaft. Declared saint in 1992.

[33] St. Queen Tamara (ca. 1165‒1213) — ruler of Georgia of Bagrationi dynasty.

[34] Kazimierz Zdzisław Kurnikowski (1885‒1965) — PhD in law, Polish diplomat, Consul General in Jerusalem between 1931 and 1936; from 1937, was a special envoy and plenipotentiary minister to the governments of the republics of Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay, with his office in Buenos-Aires; cf. Rocznik Służby Zagranicznej. Stan na 1 kwietnia 1938 r. (Warsaw, 1938), pp. 119, 198.

[35] Franz Zorell (1863‒1947) — German Orientalist, Jesuit, author — among other works — of the Old Georgian grammar (Grammatik zur Altgeorgischen Bibelübersetzung mit Textproben und Wörterverzeighnis [Rome, 1930]).

[36] Matt 26:36. [that is Olive Grove].

[37] Named after the Arab Caliph Omar I (circa 581‒644), whose troops conquered Syria, Egypt, Iraq and a major part of Persia, and finally Jerusalem in 638.

[38] Vasily Vasilyevich Vereshchagin (1842‒1904) — Russian painter.

[39] Seraphim (Yuri Mikhailovich Kuznetsov, 1875‒1959) — igumen of St. Alexy’s hermitage in Perm diocese. A friend and the confessor of Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna. Crried her body to Jerusalem in 1921; cf. G. Birilov, “Kratkoye zhizneopisaniye igumena Serafima (Kuznetsova). K 40-letiyu so dnia konchini,” Zhurnal Moskovskoi Patriarchii, vol. 61, no. 7 (1999), pp. 41‒45.

[40] Commemoratorium — written memory, short description, chronicle.

[41] M. Rostovtsev, “Russkaya archeologiya v Palestine,” Christiansky Vostok 1 (1912), p. 257. [Mikhail Ivanovich Rostovtsev (1870‒1952) — Russian antiquity researcher; émigré after 1917].

[42] Matt 24:15‒22.

[43] Hezekiah (?-698 BC) — king of Judah from 727 BC; he introduced religious reform to centralise the cult.

[44] Paul Peeters (1870‒1950) — Belgian Orientalist, who Grigol Peradze co-operated with. Cf. P. Devos, Le R. P. Paul Peeters (Brussels, 1951). Grigol Peradze met Paul Peeters through Professor Heinrich Goussen. As he himself wrote, the acquaintance gave him “very many creative stimuli.” Cf. G. Peradze, “W służbie kultury gruzińskiej,” Przegląd Prawosławny, vol. 11, no. 9 (1996): 9.

[45] Raphaël Savignac (1874‒1951) — French Dominican, teacher at the École Biblique of Jerusalem, and archaeologist.

[46] Hovhannes Mecerian (1888‒1965) — Armenian Jesuit, archaeologist and Church historian. In 1923, founded a college dedicated to St. Gregory the Illuminator in Beirut. Starting with 1932, was a professor at the department of theology in Beirut, Cf. H. Jalabert, “Mecerian Hovhannes,” in Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús. Biográfico-Temático, ed. Ch. E. O'Neill and J. M. Domínguez, vol. 3 (Rome‒Madrid, 2001), pp. 2597‒2598.

[47] Cf. J. Mecerian, Expédition archéologique dans l’Antiochène Occidentale (Beyrouth, 1965).

[48] Astarte (Phoenician — Ashtart, Hebrew — Ashtorth, Arameic — Atar) — in Western Semitic mythology the great goddess of fertility for the Western Semitic peoples, called Ishtar in Babylon.

[49] Harold Jocelyn Buxton (1880‒1976) — the Anglican bishop of Gibraltar between 1933 and 1947.

[50] Louis Vincent (1872‒1960) — French Dominican, Biblical scholar and archaeologist.

[51] Felix-Marie Abel (1878‒1953) — French Dominican, Biblical scholar and specialist in geography of the Holy Land.

[52] Robert Pierpont Blake (1886‒1950) — American Byzantine scholar.

[53] Roland de Vaux (1903‒1971) — French Biblical scholar, Dominican, one of the translators of Bible de Jérusalem and a member of École Biblique de Jérusalem.

[54] A. Cagareli, op. cit., pp. 117‒120; Baumgarten travels [The Travels of Martin Baumgarten, a Nobleman of Germany, Through Egypt, Arabia, Palestine and Syria (London: Churchill, 1907), p. 419.

[55] Johann Ludwig Schneller (1820‒1896) — Lutheran pastor. Founded an orphanage in Jerusalem in 1860. His work was continued by his son Ludwig.

[56] G. Peradze, “Dokumenty dotyczące zagadnień odnalezienia i tekstu kodeksu synajskiego,” Elpis vol. 8, no. 2 (1934): 127‒151. [Lobegott Friedrich Constantin Freiherr Tischendorf (1815‒1874) — German Lutheran theologian and palaeographer].

[57] Ludwik Borkowski, monastic name Aureliusz (1887‒1970) — Franciscan. Joined the convent in 1902, ordained in 1912, studied at Washington University and earned a PhD in canonic law; worked in the seceratriat of the Custody of the Holy Land; guide of Polish pilgrims, during World War II took care of Polish refugees and soldiers of Corps II; initatior of the plaques with the text of Magnificat in 40 languages on the walls of the church of the Visitation, the plaque with the Polish text of Lord’s prayer in a church on the Mount of Olives, and a bell in the Church of the Nativity in Betlehem. Author of Przewodnik po Ziemi Świętej (Jerusalem, 1934), 2nd edition 1942; Przewodnik po Istambule i Atenach (Jerusalem, 1838); Grób Chrystusa Pana i Kalwaria (Jerusalem, 1942); cf. J. Bar, “Udział Polski w literaturze franciszkańskiej (bibliogr.),” Studia Theologica Varsaviensia vol. 1, no. 1 (1963): 268‒269, vol. 2, no. 5 (1967): 192; S. Grzybek, H. Czerwień, B. Panasiuk, Polska bibliografia biblijna za lata 1931‒1965, vol. 1‒2 (Warsaw, 1968); S. Pawlik, “Nekrologi,” Nasza Przeszłość 34 (1971): 239‒240.

[58] Father Borkowski was born in Sochocin near Płońska, 46 kilometers from Płock.

[59] Paulin Lemaire (1896‒1963) — Franciscan; professor at Studium Biblicum Franciscanum in Jerusalem between 1928 and 1963.

[60] Donato Baldi (1888‒1965) — Franciscan, Italian Biblical scholar, Palestinologist and historian. In 1938‒1940 and 1950‒1963 director of Studium Biblicum Franciscanum in Jerusalem.

[61] D. Baldi, Enchiridion Locorum Sanctorum. Documenta S. Evangelii loca respicientia (Jerusalem, 1935), 3rd edition 1982.

[62] Heinrich Goussen (1863‒1927) — German Orientalist, professor at Bonn University. Grigol Peradze’s tutor during his studies in Germany, cf. A. Baumstark, “Heinrich Goussen,” Oriens Christianus 24 (1927): 356‒360; H. Kaufhold, “Die Sammlung Goussen in der Universitätsbibliothek Bonn,” Oriens Christianus, 81 (1007): 213‒227.

[63] H. Goussen, Über georgische Drucke und Handschriften, die Festordnung und den Heiligenkalender des altchristlichen Jerusalems betreffend (Mönchengladbach, 1923).

[64] Matt 10:24.

[65] A. Cagareli, op. cit., pp. 89‒111.

[66] Mirian (4th century) — king of Georgia, who converted into Christianity owing to St. Nino.

[67] Greek panagia, the holiest, a small icon worn by bishops on their chests as a symbol of their rank; it originates from vessels used to carry sacred objects.

[68] Opiza and Parkhali, monasteries in the Georgian province Tao-Klardzheti (present-day Turkey), which were centres of goldsmithery and metalsmithery. The famous goldsmith Beka Opizari (12th century), who made the dress for the icon of Christ of Anchiskhati, had ties with Opiza.

[69] John 11:20‒22.

[70] Henryk Siemiradzki (1834‒1902) — Polish painter. His painting Christ in the House of Martha and Mary (1886) can be seen at the Russian Museum in St. Petersburg.

[71] Nikodemos (Mylonas, 1889‒1937) — from 1918 Metropolitan of Kition in Cyprus. Protested against the English colonial administration on 17 October 1931, and called the people to rise up against the administration two days later. He was removed by the English authorities and settled in Jerusalem, where he lived until his last days. His body was taken back to Cyprus in 1962.

[72] Harold Buxton has a large silver plate with a Georgian inscription, which has been bought in Cyprus.

[73] A. Cagareli, op. cit., pp. 241‒247.

[74] Grigol Peradze also mentioned Dimo Tschondia in one of his articles — “My countryman Dimo Tschondia helped me very much in my work in the summer of 1936 in Jerusalem. All these photographs were taken by him and here I offer him my heartfelt thanks.” Quoted in G. Peradze, “An Account of the Georgian Monks and Monasteries in Palestine as revealed in the Writings of non-Georgian Pilgrims,” Georgica, vol. 2, no. 4‒5 (1937) 242, footnote 2.

[75] The mosaic map in the Byzantine church in Madaba (Jordan), found in 1897, is the oldest known representation of the Holy Land, which dates back to the 6th century.

[76] A. Cagareli, op. cit., p. 123.

[77] Manuel Panselinos (14th century), a painter representing the Macedonian School (1290‒1320), who is well-known mainly for his frescoes painted between 1360 and 1370 in Protatos Church in Karie on Mount Athos.

[78] Dositheus (1641‒1707) — Patriarch of Jerusalem from 1669. Represented a radical trend of Orthodoxy, which excluded any attempts of ecumenism. Author of a number of valuable research papers.

[79] Marie-Félicité-Xavier Brosset (1802‒1880) — French Orientalist, specialist in Georgian and Armenian languages.

[80] Patriarch of Jerusalem Dositheus, Ιστορία περί των εν Ιεροσολύμοις πατριαρχευσάντων (Bucharest, 1715). [Patriarch Dositheus, Istoria peri ton en Ierosolimois patriarcheusanton (Bucharest, 1715)].

[81] Qatamon district (Katamon), also called Gonen, is located in the southern part of Jerusalem.

[82] A. Cagareli, op. cit., pp. 123‒124.

[83] Luke 2:29.

[84] A. Cagareli, op. cit., pp. 247‒250, XXI‒XXIX.

[85] A. Cagareli, op. cit., p. 49. [Salah ad-Din (1138‒1193) — founder of the Ayyubid dynasty, Sultan of Egypt from 1171].

[86] A. Cagareli, op. cit., pp. 250, XXX.

[87] Hierodeacon (Greek hierodiakonos) — a monk who has taken the holy orders of a deacon.

[88] Among other works the life of St. Grigol Khandzteli (St. Petersburg, 1911) [Georgi Mergul, Zhytiye sviatogo Grigoriya Khandzmiyskogo, trans. N. Marr (St. Petersburg, 1911)]. [Niko Marr (1865‒1934) — Georgian linguist and archaeologist. He developed a theory of class- and stadium-based development of languages across the world, the Japhetic theory. In 1931, he invited Grigol Peradze to come back to the Soviet Union to work as a researcher at the university in Leningrad. “I gave a paper at the 6th International Congress of Orientalists in Vienna in 1930 on my own research that I conducted on, broadly speaking, the subject matter of translating the Gospels into Georgian. That study, which was published after a while, led to my making the acquaintance of the leading representative of Georgian and Orientalist studies and comparative philology, the ingenious Professor Marr. Our loose scholarly contact became much closer in the course of our work. In early 1931 Professor Marr came to Bonn for some time in order to become acquainted with the work of the University’s Georgian-Armenian section. That was when he proposed that I go with him to Leningrad as his assistant.

But at that time my head was filled with other ideas. I had recovered from a serious illness and decided to go to Paris to commence pastoral activity among the local Georgian émigrés. Professor Marr did everything to convince me that that decision was dangerous and deleterious to my studies and immediate tasks. He told me about the Georgian émigrés from his own experience. As back then I unfortunately did not know the émigré community well, his arguments seemed purely theoretical and hypothetical. So I had things my way, which resulted in my losing his friendship and the ally I had in him. I wrote down the conversations we had back then and I intend to publish them if I ever have a chance.” G. Peradze, “W służbie kultury gruzińskiej,” Przegląd Prawosławny, vol. 11, no. 9 (1996): 10‒11].

[89] Antioch the Pandectus (6th-7th century) — monk of St. Sabas Monastery. Witnessed the Persian invasion of Palestine in 614 and described it in the work Persian Conquest of Jerusalem.

[90] Published by Niko Marr [Antioch Stratig, “Pleneniye Iyerusalima Persami v 614 godu,” trans. N. Marr, in Teksty i razyskaniya po armiano-gruzinskoi filologii vol. 9 (St. Petersburg, 1909) and as a separate publication]; cf. article by Archimandrite Kallistos in Nea Sion (6 [1909]: 81); G. Graf, Das heilige (1923), p. 19. [Georg Graf (1875‒1955) — German Orientalist].

[91] “While studying Georgian manuscripts at the Greek library of the Patriarch of Jerusalem, owing to Patriarch Timothy I took note of the writings on the margins of the manuscripts, which scholars call mementoes. That was the way in which a monk or pilgrim recorded important facts from his own life, the history of the monastery, or other local events. These notes are particularly important as far as the history of the given monastery is concerned. In his catalogue Professor Cagareli included a relatively small number of such notes. Professor Marr studied them more intensively in 1902. Professor Blake, who was the last to stay in Palestine (from 19 December 1923 to 3 January 1924) and also published Georgian manuscripts, included mementoes in his works only to a very small extent. I was lucky to find a few previously unpublished notes.” G. Peradze, “W służbie kultury gruzińskiej,” Przegląd Prawosławny vol. 11, no. 10 (1996): 96.

[92] As a result the following work was written: G. Peradze, “An Account of the Georgian Monks and Monasteries in Palestine as revealed in the Writings of non-Georgian Pilgrims,” Georgica, vol. 2, no. 4‒5 (1937): 181‒246, plus 4 illustrations; Georgian translation: ucxoel piligrimt’a cnobebi palestinis k’art’veli berebisa da k’art’veli monastrebis šesaxeb, trans. G. Japaridze (Tbilisi, 1995).

[93] Porphirius Uspensky (1804‒1885) — Christian Orthodox bishop and a famous archaeologist.

[94] A. Cagareli, op.cit., p. 251, XXXIV.

[95] A. Cagareli, op. cit., p. 251, XXXII‒XXXIII.

[96] A. Cagareli, op. cit., p. 250, XXXI.

[97] Acta Sanctorum — publication of documents critically examining the lives of Christian saints, prepared by the Bollandistes.

[98] A. Cagareli, op. cit., p. 121.

[99] Sir Anthony Robert Eden (1897‒1977) — British politician, undersecretary of state at the Foreign Office during 1936‒1938 and 1940‒1945, prime minister durin 1955‒1957.

[100] Joseph Rawson Lumby (1831‒1895) — British theologian and Orientalist, Cambridge University professor from 1874.

[101] G. Peradze, “Les monuments liturgiques prébyzantins en langue géorgienne,” Le Muséon vol. 45, np. 4 1932): 255‒272. [Polish translation: “Przedbizantyjskie zabytki liturgiczne w języku gruzińskim”, trans. H. Paprocki, Wiadomości Polskiego Autokefalicznego Kościoła Prawosławnego, vol. 16, no. 3‒4 (1986): 28‒38].

[102] Made of mother-of-pearl.

[103] Chosroes Parviz II (590‒628) — Shah of Persia, who expanded the Persian rule as far as Egypt. In 614, he conquered Palestine, destroying churches and murdering Christians. He took away the holy cross relic from Jerusalem. Then a revolution broke out in Persia, which overthrew Chosroes. His successor, Kavad, made peace with Emperor Heraclius in 628, and gave the conquered land and the holy cross relic back. The Persian state, ruined by wars against its western neighbour, was conquered by Arabs in 637.

[104] Lyrics of the popular Orthodox Christmas carol — “Heaven and earth, heaven and earth are triumphant today.”

[105] Cf. Bł. Hieronim, “List CVIII do Eustochium,” in idem, Listy, translated by J. Czuj, vol. 2 (Warsaw, 1953), pp. 414‒453.

[106] Albrecht Dürer (1471‒1528) — German painter and graphic artist, the most prominent representative of the epoch of late Middle Ages and early Renaissance; the reference is made to the copperplate Saint Jerome in his cell made in 1514.

[107] “The unblemished virgin gave birth to the Son.”

[108] “Send us, dark, the light of enlightenment.”

[109] Cf. Matt 2:18.

[110] That is, supporter of the ‘new calendar’, called Neo-Byzantine, which was introduced by the Patriarchate of Constantinople in 1923.

[111] Mt 28:16.

[112] Damian (1848‒1931) — when his wife died in 1873 he went to Jerusalem, where he took the vows and holy orders of deaconate and priesthood, and in 1897 he became the Patriarch of Jerusalem.

[113] Marcu Beza (1882‒1949) — diplomat, writer, and member of the Romanian Academy of Sciences; in 1923 founded the Romanian Pen-Club, Consul General of Romania in Jerusalem in 1931‒1939. He left for London when World War II broke out.

[114] The author means either of the two works: Timotheos Patriarch, Hoi Hellines en tois Agiois Topois (Athens, 1919) or Hoi Hellines kai hoi Phragkiskanoi en tois Agiois Topois (Athens, 1919).

[115] Menelik II (proper name Sahle Maryam, 1844‒1913) — the ruler of the Ethiopian Kingdom of Shewa from 1865, became Emperor of Ethiopia in 1889.

[116] Compare the opinion by Grigol Peradze about Georgian emigration circles — “The young generation — you are considered young among the people of the East until you turn completely grey and lose all your teeth — was predominantly unemployed, ill, and uneducated. In turn, the elder generation mainly flaunted their ‘merits of the past’, were embroiled in various political deals, and they were looking for members and fighters among young people to achieve their goals. The entire emigration was engaged in political games and overwhelmed by idle and stifling atmosphere,” G. Peradze, “W służbie kultury gruzińskiej,” Przegląd Prawosławny, no. 9 (1996): 12, book 11.

[117] Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) — a Christian cultural and education organisation founded in London in 1844.

[118] I. H. Iliffe, “Cemeteries and a ‘Monastery’ at the YMCA, Jerusalem (third and sixth centuries A. D.),” The Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine, vol. 4, no. 1‒2 (1935): 70-80.

[119] St. Sabas of Jerusalem (439‒532) — ascetic, in 462 settled in a rock cave, and in 482 founded the Mar Saba Monastery on the steep bank of the Kidron stream.

[120] St. John of Damascus (ca 675‒749) — Father of the Church, theologian, one of the greatest Greek poets, defender of the cult of the icon.

[121] A. Dmitriyevsky, Описание литургических рукописей хранящихся в библитеках православного востока (Kiev: T. I, 1895), pp. 222‒224.

[122] St. Basil the Great (circa 329‒379) — early Christian writer, a Father of the Church, appointed bishop of Caesarea, Cappadocia in 370.

[123] A. Cagareli, op. cit., p. 127.

[124] St. Theodosy the Great (424‒529) — ascetic, moved into a cave in 454, appointed father superior of all the monasteries in the Holy Land in 493.

[125] St. Euthimius the Great (377‒473), an ascetic, became a hermit in Palestine in 356.

[126] The Bessi — one of the Thracian tribes who inhabited the eastern part of the Balkan Peninsula.

[127] J. Tomaschek, “Über Βεσσοί,” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 4 (1890): 166; Iyeromonakh Fieodosy Oltarzhevsky, “Palestinskoye monashestvo c IV‒VI st.,” Pravoslavny Palestinsky Sbornik, Petersburg, vol. 44 (1896): 110, 310; P. Peeters, “La version ibéro-arménienne de l’autobiographie de Denys l’Aréopagite,” Analecta Bollandiana 31 (1912): 288.

[128] Luke 5:6.

[129] Matt 14:22‒32.

[130] John 21:15‒17.

[131] Herod I the Great (73 BC–4 BC) — king of Judea during 39‒4 BC appointed by Rome.

[132] The city of Sefad is situated 850 m above the sea level; the land has been inhabited at least since the 5th century BC.

[133] Matt 5:14.

[134] Rabbi Akiba ben Joseph (ca. 50‒135) — Jewish scholar, one of the Tannaim (a sage of Torah). Although he did not leave any works, he still had an influence on the shaping of Judaism. He was killed by Romans for his support to the Bar Kochba rebellion.

[135] Maimonides (Moshe ben Maimon), called Rambam (1135‒1204) — the greatest Jewish researcher of the Talmud, a philosopher and physician.

[136] Herod Antipas built Tiberias between the years 17 and 22.

[137] M. Rostovtsev, op. cit., pp. 260‒261.

[138] I have not managed to identify the person. The genealogy of the Georgian royal family does not mention any Anastasia Nikolayevna Gruzinska. Probably this is a mistake due to confusion with Grand Duchess Anastasia Nikolayevna Romanova (1901‒1918), the youngest daughter of the last Russian Tsar Nikolai II, who was murdered together with the entire family by Bolsheviks; canonized in 2001. After the murder of the Romanov family, several women claimed they were Anastasia, who had allegedly survived the execution. The story of the miraculous survival of the princess was very popular in the 1920s and 1930s and was used as a theme for several films.

[139] John 2:1‒2.

[140] Luke 1:28; “The Protoevangelium of James,” chapter 11, published by Ch. Michel, in Evangiles apocryphes, Paris, vol. 1 (1924): 22‒24. [Apokryfy Nowego Testamentu, ed. M. Starowieyski, vol. 1, 3rd edition (Cracow, 2005), pp. 277‒278].

[141] Fra Angelico (Guido di Petro da Muguello, 1387‒1455) — Italian Dominican and painter.

[142] The author might refer to the fresco Annunciation at the Franciscan monastery in Cracow, painted approximately in 1450, or the Annunciation in the altar of St. Michael’s Church on the Wawel Hill, painted in 1517; cf. Historia sztuki polskiej, ed. T. Dobrowolski and W. Tatarkiewicz, vol. 1 (Cracow, 1962), pp. 353, 413.

[143] Notes on 18–20 August are missing from the published text. Presumably, Grigol Peradze was working at the Patriarchate’s libraries on those days.

[144] Luke 10:30.

[145] Ernst Franz Max Sellin (1867‒1946) — expert in the exegesis of the Old Testament, professor of Berlin University, and archaeologist.

[146] 2 Kings 2:14.

[147] Mk 1:18.

[148] M. Rostovtsev, op. cit., p. 264.

[149] A. Cagareli, op. cit., pp. 264, XXXV.

[150] Joannes Phokas (12th century) — monk from Crete, who made a pilgrimage across the Holy Land and Syria in 1185 and left a description thereof. See: Patrologia Graeca, ed. J. P. Migne (Paris, 1858), vol. 133, col. 928‒963, cf. “The Pilgrimage of Joannes Phocas into the Holy Land, from the Leo Allatius edition,” trans. A. Stewart, in Palestine Pilgrim’s Text Society, London, vol. 5 (1899), London; Russian translation: Ioann Foka, “Skazaniye vkratse o gorodakh i stranakh ot Antiokhii do Iyerusalima, takzhe Sirii, Finikii i sciatykh mestakh Palestiny konca XII v.,” ed. I. Troitsky, Pravoslavny Palestinsky Sbornik 9 (1889).

[151] St. Gerasim of Jordan (?‒475) — Palestinian hermit, founded a monastery by the Jordan.

[152] The Rose of Jericho: 1) Anastatica hierochuntica, also known as the resurrection plant, is a member of the family Cruciferae. It is a plant native of the desert areas of the Eastern part of the Mediterranean region. During drought the stems curl down and cover the fruit so that the whole plant takes the shape of a ball, which the wind tears out from the ground and rolls over the desert. During the rainy season or in humid air the stems stretch out, the fruit opens up and the seeds spill out; 2) Asteriscus (Odontospermum) pygmaeus, a small annual plant, a member of the Compositae family. It grows in desert areas, especially common near Jericho in Palestine. During drought the leaves covering the head close up to cover the fruit. During the rainy season the head opens up approximately in ten minutes, and raindrops sow the seeds by washing them out of the head.

[153] Józef Piłsudski (1867‒1935) — Polish military commander, statesman, the first marshal of Poland, Chief of State in 1919‒1922. Held the post of the prime minister twice (1926‒1928 and in 1930).

[154] Father Nicholas Gibbes, upon his return to England in 1937, founded a chapel in honour of the Russian imperial family, who had been murdered by Bolsheviks, at Marston Street in Oxford.

[155] Luke 2:25-35.

[156] This is an allusion to Georgian emigrant family. Alex Mdivani (1905‒1935) married Louisa Astor Van Alen (1910‒1997) in 1931. He divorced her in 1932 to marry in 1933 Barbara Woolworth Hutton (1912‒1979), one of the richest women of the time, whom he divorced in 1935. He died in a car crash. Sergo Mdivani (1903‒1936) married actress Pola Negri (Barbara Apolonia Chałupiec, 1894‒1987) in 1927. He divorced her in 1931, and following a short-lived love affair with the opera singer Mary MacCormick (?‒?), he married his ex sister-in-law Louisa Astor Van Alen in 1936. He died in an accident while playing polo. David Mdivani (1907‒1984) married actress Mae Murray (1889-1965) in 1926. He divorced her in 1934, had a love affair with the French actress Arletty (Marie Julie Bathiat, 1898‒1992) and finally, in 1944, he married Virginia Sinclair (1915‒), a daughter of the owner of Sinclair Oil. Nino Mdivani (1910‒1987) married Charles Huberich (1877‒1945) in 1925. She divorced him in 1936 to marry the same year Dennis Stewart Percy Conan Doyle (1909‒1955), son of Arthur Conan Doyle (1859-1930), the author of Sherlock Holmes. Rusudan Mdivani (1912‒1938) in 1932 married the Spanish painter José Maria Sert (1874-1945), who between 1920 and 1932 was the third husband of Misi Sert (Marie Sophie Olga Zénaïde Godebska, 1872-1950), the queen of the twenties and the symbol of la belle époque. Grigol Peradze knew the Mdivani family from Paris: “The summer of 1933 brought me a gleam of hope, which could become a turning point both in the history of the Georgian parish in Paris and in my work on Georgian culture. The Georgian Alex Mdivani, who came from the family famous in Europe and America for their numerous marriages with rich women, had found a new rich fiancée and wanted to have a church wedding. I would rather not get involved, since he had not received a legally valid divorce from his first wife. However, I agreed to officiate at the wedding under the condition that he would file the documents with the Russian church. In June or July, in the presence of Georgian witnesses, he solemnly promised on the threshold of the Russian cathedral that he would build a small Georgian chapel with a presbytery in Paris after his wedding. However, afterwards, when I wanted to make him fulfil his promise, I could not find him anywhere”. Quoted in G. Peradze, “W służbie kultury gruzińskiej,” Przegląd Prawosławny, vol. 11, no. 10 (1966): 14‒15. Pursuant to the register of marriages (certificate no. 34/1933) of St. Alexander Nevsky cathedral parish in Paris, the wedding of Alex Mdivani and Barbara Woolworth Hutton was celebrated on 22 June 1933 by Father Yakov Smirnov.

[157] Sir Arthur Grenfell Wauchope (1874‒1947) — British soldier and colonial administrator, 1931—1938 the High Commissioner in Palestine and Transjordania.

[158] Emanuel Bin Gorion (Emanuel Berdyczewski, 1903‒1987) — Jewish writer and translator.

[159] Charles the Great (742‒814) — the greatest ruler of the medieval Europe, came from the Carolingian Dynasty, was the king of Franks from 768 and became emperor in 800.

[160] Elyakim Gothold Weil (1882‒1960) — director of the university library in Jerusalem between 1935 and 1946; then a professor of Arabic and Turkish studies at Jerusalem University.

[161] Martin Plessner (1900‒1973) — Jewish scholar, specialist in philosophy and occult sciences.

[162] John Hyrcanus I (?‒104 BC) — son of Simon Maccabeus, the first Hasmonean ruler. Became king of Judea in 135 BC.

[163] Nachotchik (Russian) — a textuary, a person well versed in the Scriptures.

[164] The part of the diary covering the period between 30 August and 10 September 1936 has probably not been published.

[165] “In Syria I was probably the first Georgian who has managed to see the ruins of the Monastery of St. Simeon Stylite the Younger since the Middle Ages. The place is the cradle of Georgian culture, since missionaries came to Georgia from the monastery in the 5th or 6th century. Besides, the famous Father of the Church, Ephrem the Younger, lived there at the turn of the 11th and the 12th centuries.” Quoted in G. Peradze, “W służbie kultury gruzińskiej,” vol. 11, no. 10 (1996): 16.

[166] The ruins of the monastery of St. Simeon Stylite the Younger (521‒592) are located between Samandag and Antioch, near the village of Nahirli.

[167] Johannes Lepsius (1858‒1926) — son of the famous Egyptologist Karl Lepsius (1810‒1884), Evangelical pastor and missionary. Engaged in helping Armenian people. In 1895 founded the Deutsche Orient-Mission, which published the magazine Der Orient (1919‒1936). Caused Grigol Peradze come to study to Germany in 1921.

[168] St. John Chrysostom (circa 349‒407) — bishop of Constantinople from 397, exiled to Pitiunt by the Black Sea in 404, a Father of the Church.

[169] Frederick I Barbarossa, the Redbeard (ca 1125‒1190) — king of Germany from 1152, emperor from 1155.

[170] The place near Antioch (modern Antakya, Turkey) rich in waterfalls, streams, channels, and laurel groves, where Greeks located their legend of the beautiful nymph Daphne, who was chased by Apollo in love with her and turned into a laurel shrub by her mother. The place had been famous for numerous temples. It was completely destroyed in 572 and became a forgotten village. Today it is a holiday resort for residents of Antakya.

[171] Hadrian (76‒138) — Roman emperor from 117, a representative of the Antonines dynasty.

[172] Julian the Apostate (ca 331‒363) — Roman emperor from 361, nephew of Emperor Constantine the Great (280‒337), unfriendly to Christianity.

[173] Luke 19:25.

[174] G. Peradze, “Georgian Manuscripts in England,” Georgica, vol. 1, no. 1 (1935): 80‒88.

[175] Alawites, Nusairis, a group originating from Shia Islam, which is considered to be heretic by a majority of Muslim theologians. It emerged in the 10th century in response to the teachings of Muhammad Ibn Nusayr, which combined the cult of the stars and the sun and elements of Christianity and Islam. After 1920, at the time of the French mandate in Syria, the name ‘Alawites’ came into standard usage, and the territory inhabited by them was granted the status of an autonomous state by the French administration. In 1946, their state became a part of Syria. The estimated number of Alawites is nearly one million.

[176] Apollinaris the Elder (4th century) — priest in Laodicea, Syria; father of Apollinaris the Younger (died in 390), bishop of Laodicea in Syria; defended Orthodoxy against Aryanism, then developed a heresy called Apollinarism.

[177] The diary for the period from 22 to 25 September has probably not been published.

[178] Matt 27:46; Mk 15:34: “My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?”

[179] Nemesius of Emesa (ca 400‒ca 450) — Christian writer and bishop of Emesa in Syria.

[180] Nemesius of Emesa, O naturze ludzkiej, trans. A. Kempfi (Warsaw, 1982).

[181] Barasbi Baytugan (1899‒1982) — Ossetian political activist and a publisher.

[182] Şimali Kafkasya (Northern Caucasus) — magazine published in Warsaw over six years, from May 1934 to April 1939 (60 numbers were published, by Barasbi Baytugan as the official organ of the National Party of Caucasian Highlanders.

[183] He probably means the article by Doguzh, “Tabun loshadei v nugaiskikh stepakh,” Şimali Kafkasya, vol. 5, no. 38‒40 (1937), pp. 36‒41.

[184] The Druze, a hermetic religious group, which emerged in the 11th century. The Druze settled in northern Syria in 1017. The Druze religion combines elements of Islam with influences of Christianity, Gnosticism and old Middle Eastern beliefs. Since their doctrine significantly differs from the Muslim dogma, they have been considered heretics and even a religion separate from Islam. The hermetic nature of the community, keeping secret their beliefs and some peculiar views have been conducive to that. The Druze religion is monotheistic. They believe that Caliph Al-Hakim Bi-amr Allah (died in 1021) is an incarnation of God and that he still lives undercover. They recognize seven faultless and sinless prophets, including Adam, Abraham and Jesus. They believe in reincarnation, which takes place when the soul becomes united with the Universal Mind, which is identified with God’s Will. They do not recognize the five pillars of mainstream Islam. Their holy books are the Quran, the New Testament and their own religious writings.

[185] “My dear old chap, you should not talk to them in any case; they are animals.”

SERVING GEORGIAN CULTURE

In 1926 I described in the periodical Der Orient the period of my studies in Germany, my professors, and future research plans.[1] Fourteen years have already passed. A lot has changed during that period, particularly during the latter years, not only in the life of individual people, but also in the life of entire states and nations.

What are research plans now? What is the worth of locking oneself in a study to devote oneself to abstract problems, many of which are of interest only to a small group of colleagues, now when life around us is addressing us so loudly through the horrible historical events, which determine whether individual nations exist or disappear. One has the impression of living in times when the nations of our globe are being held accountable for the sins of their original ancestors. And the day of the final reckoning is yet to come!

I think that such times are not conducive to starting any individual absorbing scholarly research. They do not provide the necessary peace or the right atmosphere. But they are ideal for a retrospection of one’ s earlier actions, a certain synthesis of what one has already accomplished, a reckoning with oneself, and an in-depth analysis of what one has failed to attain. For one can make plans for the future only on the basis of what has happened. An occasional calculation of one’ s achievements and failures is generally necessary. It is also extremely informative to learn why we were guided to that or another topic. Through such work one can get closer to man and approach his actions with greater understanding and love.

I came to know German science in its heyday. Figures such as Adolf Harnack,[2]* Holl,[3]* Deissmann,[4]* Wolf Wilhelm Count von Baudissin,[5]* Hugo Gressmann,[6]* and also Heinrich Goussen[7] and Ehrhard[8]* who do not feature in every generation. They are a crowning of the spiritual work and efforts of many generations. Let us assume that if I began my studies now, I would have a completely different appreciation for their support, and would use it differently. But no matter how much I regret it now, one should never regret what has been.

As a matter of fact, I am not a theologian, for I never paid much attention to strictly theological disciplines. I studied dogmatism only because I needed to pass an exam in it. Similarly, the subject matter of the Christian world view and its confrontation with other religions, and modern spiritual currents, called apologetics, were not close to me. I have never had much love for systematic theology.

The Georgian Church authorities, who sent me to Germany in 1921 to study theology,[9] wished me to pay particular attention to apologetics and Christianity’ s discussions with contemporary spiritual and atheistic currents, chiefly the confrontation with socialism and communism. But after just a year of my stay in Germany I concluded that I was not cut out for such studies. The man who helped me then with his advice and fatherly friendship was Doctor Lepsius,[10]* and from then on the basis for my studies was to be Biblical and historical theology as well as Eastern languages: Old Hebrew, Syriac, and Armenian. It was only later that I turned to research on the Georgian Church and history of Christian literature, at the same time becoming familiar with the scholarly methodology of working and doing research, and study in Europe of all that could later prove helpful to me in taking up Georgian topics.

So I studied for three years in Berlin while living in Potsdam. Once a week I visited Doctor Lepsius, who personally taught me various theological subjects. I still clearly remember how we studied Saint John’ s scriptures together. Johannes Lepsius was particularly fond of the Gospel of love and the spirit hovering high in the sky. Why, a symbol of the Gospel of John is an eagle. Lepsius’ entire rich spiritual life developed under the influence of that Gospel.

Looking for Georgian books, I met Professor Heinrich Goussen. He was a placid scholar, a linguistic genius, who spoke fluently not only English, French, and Russian, but also Eastern languages, such as Armenian, Georgian, Coptic, Ethiopian, Aramaic, and Syriac, as well as Latin and Greek. He had a large Oriental library and was a man of culture with a heart of gold, who until his death remained faithful to freshness, enthusiasm, love, and trust in his approach to people, despite the terrible disappointments he kept experiencing. Unlike other scholars he was not a cold-eyed author of books or a bookworm. He valued life more than book writing. Thus he left little of the treasure of his vast knowledge to posterity. But what he did leave shall last for centuries.

I went from Berlin to him, to Bonn. [I went from one world to another, and that new world engrossed me so much that I stayed there. Everything in its surroundings was closer and more familiar to me than in Berlin. The local area with beautiful hills, temperate climate, and fertile soil reminded me of my homeland more than the Berlin landscape. The locals were also more approachable and open than in the big city. I also preferred living on the small university campus, where everything revolved around the University, everything lived for it and was interested in it. One could venture the claim that the whole of life was ordered in such a way so that the University was in the foreground. One can very quickly feel at home in such a city. One quickly becomes accustomed to it and focuses on one’ s work.

What Doctor Lepsius instilled in me was further solidified by Professor Goussen. I was to devote myself solely to Georgian studies. For the purpose of my thesis “Geschichte des georgischen Mönchtums von ihren Anfängen bis zum Jahre 1064” Professor Goussen magnanimously let me use his entire library and his vast knowledge. Also thanks to him I met the famous Belgian Orientalist Paul Peeters,[11]* known as “the king of Belgian Orientalists.” I owe a lot of creative impulses to that acquaintance, which later transformed into personal friendship.

Unfortunately, my first thesis has not been published in full. The chapter entitled “Die Anfänge des Mönchtums in Georgien” [beginnings of monasticism in Georgia] was printed in Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte.[12] The middle chapter was published in the French periodical Revue d’ Histoire Ecclésiastique,[13] while the final chapters (the summary) were published in Internationale Kirchliche Zeitschrift in Bern.[14] I negotiated the publication of the entire thesis (around thirteen chapters) with Verlag Kösel in Munich.[15] I might finally persuade some publishing house to publish it in full after the war.

While I was visiting the friends of the Mission in Wiesbaden with my finished doctoral dissertation in the autumn of 1925 I had the last chance to give my regards to Doctor Lepsius.[16]* He was travelling to Merano, where he died in February 1926. I defended my doctoral dissertation in late February.

After finishing my studies and obtaining the doctorate I intended to return home and start working: either in the Church or at the University, to which end I submitted an application to the Soviet embassy. As the reply was forthcoming, I went on a research trip to Belgium with permission from the-then director of the East German Mission in order to work for some time under the supervision of the most eminent representative of Georgian studies in Europe, the Bollandist Paul Peeters. I met him during the 1926 Christmas break in Brussels. I also intended to study Catholic theology for some time at the famous old Catholic University of Leuven. I stayed in Belgium for a little over a year, from March 1926 to April 1927. I studied Georgian old prints at the Bollandists’ large library and I discussed various aspects of Georgian hagiography with Peeters. That was also where I prepared the above mentioned dissertations for print. The result of our debates and discussions is two studies: Peeters’ “L’ église géorgienne du Clibanion au Mont Admirable”[17] and my “Die Probleme der ältesten Kirchengeschichte Georgiens”.[18]

Since Leo XIII’ s famous bull, which ordered a revival of scholastic philosophy the University of Leuven has been focused on studying the philosophy of the famous scholastic, Tomas of Aquinas. Located there is a Chair which deals with this subject matter. Hence, I had an occasion to become somewhat acquainted with this philosophic current. But the scholastic reasoning proved alien to me and it had little to do with my life plans. Thus, instead I focused on the history of the Church, patristics, and Oriental studies. Apart from that I studied French, French literature, and Flemish art, perhaps all too intensively. During the year I spent there as a student I travelled in Belgium and visited many towns with their wonderful art galleries, monasteries, and churches.

In late April 1927 I went from Belgium to England to study manuscripts stored at the British Museum in London and predominantly at the famous Bodleian Library[19]* in Oxford. Unfortunately, I could stay there only for a while. After Professor Goussen’ s death in Bonn in April 1927 the Eastern Chair began negotiating my takeover of his position. As the Soviet embassy had not replied to my application and I wished to find some modest academic post where I could focus on my tasks uninterrupted, I concluded that a man associated with his homeland spiritually and also through science could do more for promoting its culture while working abroad.

Bonn offered conditions best tailored to my needs. Professor Goussen’ s Georgian library, which was one of a kind, and which he had bequeathed to the Cardinal of Cologne, had been deposited for thirty years at the library of the University of Bonn, where there were always a few people interested in the Georgian and Armenian languages. If I had had more life experience back then or somebody who would have advised me, I would have secured certain rights (such as a sabbatical or stipend) during the negotiations. My financial situation was secure. Taking over from my beloved teacher and doing my best to continue his scholarly plans and tasks was an honor to me. Hence, I accepted the offer and in late June I had to go to Bonn to present myself to the local authorities.

August 1927 saw the World Conference on Faith and Order in Lausanne. I was invited to participate in it as representative of the Georgian Church. I have partly reported in Der Orient on my activity at that conference and in the lecture I gave.[20]

I stayed in Bonn until April 1932. Headed by Professor Paul Kahle,[21]* the Eastern Chair was in its heyday, with almost all languages of world cultures represented there. The library was growing larger by the day. Manuscripts for analysis were even sent over from America. At that time the seminary taught a famous scholar of ancient liturgical texts, Professor Anton Baumstark.[22]* During our very close cooperation and owing to his initiative, we penned a joint study entitled “Die Weihnachtsfeier Jerusalems im siebten Jahrhundert”[23] and I wrote two dissertations on the history of liturgy: “Zur vorbyzantinischen Liturgie Georgiens”[24] and “Les monuments liturgiques prébyzantins en langue géorgienne”,[25] as well as “Die altgeorgische Literatur und ihre Probleme”.[26]

I also wish to express my gratitude for scholarly support to Father and Professor Ehrhard, a famous Catholic patrologist and Byzantinist. Due to him I penned my study “Die altchristliche Literatur in der georgischen Überlieferung”.[27] I was particularly closely associated in scholarly terms with a scholar of the New Testament at the Faculty of Catholic Theology, Professor Heinrich Vogels.[28]* Professor Vogels devoted his rich scholarly life to studying the Diatessaron.[29]* Solving this problem is particularly important for reconstructing or restoring the original form of the texts of the Gospels. Passion for the Gospels, critique of Evangelical texts, and research on the life of Christ were instilled in him back in Potsdam by Doctor Lepsius, who, as we know, made a major contribution to that research.

In Bonn I chose the subject matter of the Georgian text of the Gospel of Mark as the subject of my habilitation in Eastern Christianity. Owing to Professor Goussen’ s contacts, I had managed to obtain rare copies of Mark’ s texts dated 913 and 995. From his travel to Leningrad Professor Kahle brought to the Eastern Chair a photolithograph of the oldest Georgian text of the Gospel dated 897.[30] After the publication of the Gospel of Mark in Codex Vaticanus I began hard and strenuous work on collating the Georgian text.

At Professor Baumstark’ s seminars we also dealt for many years with the issue of the Gospels’ translation into Eastern languages (Arabic, Syriac, Georgian, Armenian, Ethiopian, and Coptic) and textual criticism. Baumstark published his dissertation on the Georgian texts of the Gospels as a preliminary report on our cooperation.[31] I gave a paper at the 6th International Congress of Orientalists in Vienna in 1930 on my own research that I had conducted on, broadly speaking, the subject matter of translating the Gospels into Georgian.[32] That study, which was published after a while, led to my making the acquaintance of the leading representative of Georgian and Orientalist studies and comparative philology, the ingenuous Professor Marr.[33]* Our loose scholarly contact became much closer in the course of our work. In early 1931 Professor Marr came to Bonn for some time in order to become acquainted with the work of the University’ s Georgian-Armenian section. That was when he proposed that I go with him to Leningrad as his assistant.

But at that time my head was filled with other ideas. I had recovered from a serious illness and decided to go to Paris to commence pastoral activity among the local Georgian émigrés. Professor Marr did everything to convince me that that decision was dangerous and deleterious to my studies and immediate tasks. He told me about the Georgian émigrés from his own experience. As back then I unfortunately did not know the émigré community well, his arguments seemed purely theoretical and hypothetical. So I did things way, which resulted in my losing his friendship and the ally I had in him. I wrote down the conversations we had back then and I intend to publish them if I ever have the chance.

Aside from that paper and a short article in Orientalische Literatur-Zeitung[34] I gave a two-hour guest lecture in Oxford on the 11th or the 13th of May 1932 on the topic of Georgian versions of the Gospels and their connection with Tatian’ s Diatessaron.[35] I have not published this manuscript because I intend to enlarge it. It constitutes a fruit of many years of my strenuous work. I wish I could rewrite it in a form ready for print, but I have not yet managed to do that.

Meanwhile, the Georgian texts of the Gospels of Mark and Matthew were published in Blake’ s Patrologia Orientalia.[36]* Blake provided only the Georgian text and its Latin translation,[37] whereas I wished to also publish an analysis of the text. I have one more codex than Blake (the 936 Evangeliary of Jruchi).[38] So shortly before the war, in 1939, I was negotiating with the management of the Biblica periodical (Rome).[39] Initially, I intended to publish only an analysis of the differences between Mark’ s texts from Jruchi and the other versions, but then the war began.

In 1930, during my stay in Bonn I visited an exhibition of old Georgian art in Berlin, about which I wrote in the periodical Der Orient.[40] During my work in Bonn, the 5th and the 6th German Orientalist Conferences were held in 1928 in Bonn and in 1930 in Vienna respectively. I attended both of them. In Bonn I discussed pre-Byzantine liturgy in Georgia[41] and in Vienna the problems associated with Georgian translations of the Gospels.[42] During the Bonn conference’ s closing session held on the 25th of August 1928 the following decision was made upon a motion put forward by section V (Christian East): “Because of the significance of pre-Byzantine ancient Georgian literary and liturgical texts Section 5 of the German Orientalist Conference unanimously recommends that special care and development are advised with regards to Georgian studies.”[43]

That resolution was submitted to the Prussian minister of culture (at that time it was the Orientalist Becker,[44] who used to be a Professor in Bonn). That was a great success of Georgian studies in Germany. An immediate effect of that, obviously after several years because nothing happens quickly in public institutions, was the establishment of the Department of Old Georgian Studies.[45]

After the Orientalist convention in Vienna I went to Graz to become acquainted with the large Georgian library of the famous linguist Hugo Schuchardt, who died in 1927.[46]* This collection is now stored at the University library. Upon a request made by the library management I made a catalogue of the printed Georgian books. I was particularly interested in Georgian manuscripts, particularly the Georgian version of the Liturgy of St. Peter the Apostle, which I later published in French.[47]

To my Bonn period also belong sketches on the history of Georgian culture: 1. “Der Heilige Georg im Leben und in der Frömmigkeit des georgischen Volkes,”[48] 2. “Das Mönchtum in der orientalischen Kirche”[49], 3. “Das Mönchtum in der georgischen Kirche,”[50] plus my entry about Georgia in a Protestant dictionary of theology and religious studies,[51] a few reviews,[52] and voluminous correspondence on many topics from the history of Georgian culture.[53]

As I have mentioned, on the 1st of April 1932, not without pain and sorrow, I left Bonn and moved to Paris to devote myself solely to pastoral activity in the Georgian émigré Orthodox parish. My relations with Georgians in Paris began in 1929. At the beginning of that year a committee was established in Paris for the purpose of creating a parish. I was approached in Bonn with a request for cooperation. Thus, during the Easter break I went to Paris for the first time to become acquainted with the situation and to meet members of the committee and the parish. Paris did not seem the right place for me as scholarly affairs were a priority for me. For I could not expect either much understanding or support for my studies. Thus, I turned down the offer to stay there as a clergyman and returned to Bonn to again start working at the Eastern Chair.

Meanwhile, however, two events took place which forced me to take the Parisian offer:

1. After my return to Bonn a Georgian Uniate priest came to Paris from Constantinople (there is a Georgian Uniate monastery in Constantinople).[54]* Hence, representation of the Orthodox Church and the arrival of the Orthodox priest became an urgent matter.

2. During Christmas 1930, when I was fighting for my life in the University clinic, the Paris parish’ s envoy arrived. And so I accepted the invitation to Paris.

Several months after leaving the hospital, when I became busy with the everyday affairs I felt such religious elation that I had the impression that I was floating above the ground. All I talked about was my future work in Paris. I was looking forward to the Easter break to go to Paris as quickly as possible and to be ordained a priest. Neither Professor Kahle nor the eminent scholar Professor Marr, who ironically had just returned from Leningrad and brought me regards from my distant homeland and presented to me the opportunities for and perspectives of my return, work, and activity, nobody in the world could hold me back from carrying out my plans. In a letter she wrote to me that my mother also discouraged me, and threatened that if I followed that path, I would never see my homeland again. All to no avail. Once I made my decision, I stuck to it and on the 18th and the 19th of April 1931 I took vows at the Greek Orthodox cathedral in London and the next day I was ordained a deacon. I was ordained by the hierarch himself, Archbishop Germanos,[55]* the Exarch of the Ecumenical Throne, who resided in London. That took place at the Greek cathedral in Paris on the 25th of May 1932.

I started a completely different, new life, which I also intended to devote to serving Georgian culture. For in the Georgian nation’ s history it was predominantly monks who influenced its culture, art, and spiritual activity. So why not establish such a center in Paris? It was the main center of the Georgian émigrés, and the émigré community is made up of educated people! It was only later that I discovered that you can be an educated man or even a minister and not become a man of culture. I treated my task as missionary work, in which I should have been supported and encouraged by some force. When missionaries go to India or elsewhere their original parish supports them. I unsuccessfully sought support, rebelling internally because I was wasting precious time, which I could have devoted to scholarly and research work.

The young generation and people of the East think who think that you are young until all your hair turns grey and you lose all your teeth were usually unemployed, sick, and uneducated. The older generation mostly boasted its ‘old achievements’. Involved in various political deals, it was looking among the young for members and fighters for its causes. The entire émigré milieu was in the grip of political games and the empty and stuffy atmosphere. After several months all my zeal had vanished. I read my inspired religious “Romelni qerubimta (xilva)” [hymn of cherubs][56]* which I wrote when I was lying sick in Bonn, and it seemed as if it had been written by somebody else, a man I did not know at all.

I wished to perform my task well and at the same time find some time for scholarly work. I did not stay long in Paris. I had moved from Bonn to the French capital in early April 1932, but from May to mid-July I was in England. Upon an invitation from the University of Oxford I gave four guest lectures at an Examination School, for which I received remuneration in the amount of fifty pounds, which enabled me to live comfortably in England for some time and do research at the British Museum and the Bodleian Library. The Library has seventy five Georgian manuscripts, some of which are extremely precious. That was when I met an eminent English scholar, Professor F. C. Burkitt[57]* from Cambridge, a publisher of old Syriac texts of the Gospels. I paid Burkitt several visits in Cambridge. He was very interested in my work and tried to find me some modest academic post. He went to London several times to that end, to personally endorse my application for the Rockefeller Foundation grant.

From July to mid-August I stayed in Paris, after which, driven by longing, I went to Bonn. By a stroke of luck that was when the Eastern Chair received from Tbilisi the seven or eight year’ s issues of the Georgian periodical Mnathobi, which I had ordered. I carefully analyzed materials from that periodical and took some notes and later, when I had more peace and quiet I ordered them and published them under the title “Das geistige Leben im heutigen Sowjetgeorgien im Spiegel der schönen Literatur.”[58] From Bonn I went to Poland to meet the local Georgian émigré milieu.

By the way, I am the only Georgian priest outside Georgia.

I stayed in Warsaw for a short while. For I went to Cracow to study the Georgian manuscripts stored at the Czartoryski Family Museum. Invited by the local Eastern Chair, I gave a lecture in Russian. Owing to Metropolitan Dionizy’[59]* agency, I established contact in Warsaw with the Polish Ministry of Religious Affairs and Public Education. They offered me a job at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Warsaw. I took it and to document my scholarly background I submitted to the ministry printed copies of some of my dissertations, which I happened to have on me.

I had met Metropolitan Dionizy back in 1927 at the international conference in Lausanne. I could move to Warsaw then and start working there[60] but I preferred to stay in Bonn because of the better opportunities for scholarly development that it offered. Around late-November 1932 I returned to Paris via Berlin‒Potsdam, because I intended to spend Christmas in my parish. I returned to Warsaw with the prospect of working at Warsaw University as a lecturer in patrology (history of Old Christian literature). I had not sat idly in Paris, or earlier in Bonn. I had always looked for some scholarly occupation. Similarly, now I applied for work to six different places, with Warsaw being the seventh.

Because I wished to settle in Paris I first tried to find some modest academic post there. Professor Maurice Goguel,[61]* a famous Protestant scholar of the New Testament, with whom I maintained personal contacts, recommended me to the famous Byzantinist Gabriel Millet[62]* from College de France concerning a series of lectures about old Georgian literature. But that was possible only beginning in 1934.[63] And it was not a steady job, only for a year or two.

I had maintained correspondence with the British Bible Society since 1929. Immediately after my ordination in 1931 Archbishop Germanos and I visited the Society’ s board. Owing to his intercession, I was to be entrusted with translating the Bible into modern Georgian. I needed four or five years for that and I vouched to transfer the print-ready original to the Society. Thus I intended to combine pleasure with utmost necessity and utility, and at the same time strengthen the parish’ s operation. That attempt failed too. The English emphasized the financial side: the whole enterprise was not profitable to the Bible Society because the Georgian émigré milieu was not particularly sophisticated. Besides, the future of Georgia itself was uncertain.[64]

In Paris there was the Saint Sergius Institute, run by Metropolitan Eulogius.[65]* Russian Professors of theology taught there and I consider it the second best institute of Orthodox theology in the world, after the one in Athens. I knew some of the academic professors quite well. I had close, friendly relations with the Metropolitan. Although it could hire me I never sought that. Had I begun working there I would have become hierarchically dependent on the Russian Metropolitan. Meanwhile, all the efforts of our parish were directed at maintaining the ancient Autocephalous Georgian Orthodox Church. Because I could not find a job in Paris that would have allowed me to combine pastoral work with scholarly activity, I began to look elsewhere.

My first thought was Germany. I could not return to Bonn, even though my position remained vacant as they could not find a replacement, because the local authorities were against my Parisian duties and gave me an ultimatum: I had to choose between staying permanently in Bonn or Paris. But I reminded myself of the Orientalist Conference’ s resolution and I made an attempt to put it into practice, to which end I asked the Berlin Professors Deissmann and Lietzmann for help.[66]* According to their letters, they did everything that was necessary. The modest Faculty, which was to be created, was to maintain close relations with the Fathers of the Church Commission of the Prussian Academy of Sciences and its scholarly activity was to focus particularly on ancient Georgian church texts. They had nothing against my visiting my parish in Paris over breaks (I could also establish small Georgian parishes elsewhere). On the contrary, such a journey, combined with scholarly objectives, was considered beneficial to the teaching process. So when everything seemed headed for a happy end I arrived in Berlin to have the necessary meetings. However, I lost that job offer, possibly due to my blunder.

That was the third option. The fourth one was Oxford. The local University offers the Wardrop family’ s substantial scholarship for Georgian studies.[67]* The famous Armenianist F. Connybeare[68]* had been a lecturer there and now his position was vacant. That was a terrific opportunity for combining Armenian and Georgian studies. Besides, the famed Bodleian Library in Oxford has all kinds of printed Georgian books as well as approximately Seventy five Georgian manuscripts, some of which remain unexamined.[69]*

I was invited to give four guest lectures but the plans to create the faculty were abandoned because of the failure to find people interested in studying that language. F. Connybeare was a wealthy man and carried out those studies for his own pleasure. During those guest lectures I had contact with the eminent scholar F. C. Burkitt, with whose help I applied for the Rockefeller Foundation grant. It is given to individuals well advanced in their studies, when special research trips become necessary. The grant is awarded for three to five years. My objective was to look for Georgian manuscripts and other ancient texts in the East (Arabic-speaking countries, Turkey, and Persia). Aside that I intended to study modern Arabic and become acquainted with the local Koran studies. That elderly man even went to London to put in a good word for me. But as one reads in his letter our efforts proved fruitless. Yet the letter is interesting because it shows the horrible situation of East Christian study in England (in Professor Burkitt’ s opinion).[70]

Now I wish to present the final option of hiring me. Two Catholic scholars who had a favorable attitude to me tried to get me a scholarship in the Vatican for carrying out a search for Georgian manuscripts in Italian libraries. “The Excellence I turned to presented your request at an audience with Holy Father Pius XI” (the letter from Rome dated 12 April 1932). “Le Saint Père, avant entendu par la buche de (surname) votre désir de faire des études dans les bibliothèques de l’ Italie pour trouver des manuscrits géorgiens se montre après quelque hésitation (très compréhensible: il recoit tant de suppliques de ce genre) prèt a vous accorder une subvention”[71]* (the letter from Rome dated the 23rd of May 1932). Despite that favorable attitude the whole thing did not work out.[72]

Hence, all my plans had failed. I welcomed the year 1933 in Paris, waiting only for a letter from Warsaw. In January I received very sad news from my homeland: my mother had died on the 19th of December 1932. Thus my last, let us say, physical bond (for I am very much attached to my homeland in spiritual and cultural terms) with my country had been severed. First of all, I regretted causing her so much worry by moving to Paris. Now, when a ray of hope appeared on the horizon, the possibility for me to move to Warsaw from where I could help her a little, death had taken her to her grave. I received contradictory information regarding her demise. The official notification stated that my mother had died after a long illness, but my brother wrote that in December she had spent an entire night waiting in a line for bread. Early in the morning a stranger carried her home unconscious and she died soon afterwards. I had the impression that he was hiding the truth from me and not telling me everything. I kept all her letters, on the basis of which I intend to describe her life in more peaceful times.

The summer of 1933 brought me a ray of hope, which could have become a turning point in the history of both the Georgian parish in Paris and my work on Georgian culture. The Georgian Alexis Mdivani, who came from a family famous in Europe and America for marrying many wealthy women, found a new rich fiancée and wished to have a church wedding.[73]* I preferred not to become involved, particularly as he had not obtained the decree absolute ending his marriage to his first wife. But I did consent to officiate at their wedding on condition that he filed the documents at a Russian Orthodox Church.[74]* In June or July, in the presence of a few Georgians, he solemnly swore on the threshold of a Russian cathedral that he would build in Paris a small Georgian chapel with a parsonage. But when I tried to make him honor his promise he was nowhere to be found. One day when I returned sad and tired to my small shabby hotel room after unsuccessfully looking for Mdivani in a large luxurious hotel in Paris I found an official invitation from the Polish Ministry of Religious Denominations to come to Warsaw to work. I very quickly put my affairs in order, and taking the first train set off for Warsaw.

Despite the unfavorable situation I had managed to use my stay in Paris for scholarly purposes. My own library had been at my friends’ in Cologne for several years. But I was able to collect materials in large Parisian libraries, at the British Museum, and the Bodleian Library in Oxford, and also prepare editions of a few important Georgian scholarly works. But publication was not an easy task. Nevertheless, I do have a few publications from that period to list. Browsing though papers of some Georgian man I completely accidentally came across a Georgian translation of “The Lord’ s Teaching Through the Twelve Apostles,” which I printed in Zeitschrift der Neutestamentlichen Wissenschaft.[75] Upon a request from the famous liturgist H. W. Codrington[76]* I translated the Georgian version of the Liturgy of St. Peter the Apostle into French, which was incorporated into the study entitled “The Liturgy of Saint Peter.”[77] In Paris I also published for four years a scholarly annual entitled Jvari vazisa, which I edited in Georgian myself.[78] The cycle of lectures in Oxford and a lecture at College de France (in March 1933) also belongs to the Paris period.

To learn Polish I moved in with a Polish family in Cracow in mid-October 1933. That was also where I prepared my inauguration lecture, which I gave as late as on the 7th of December 1933 in the University’ s large auditorium (for various reasons the University of Warsaw was closed in the autumn of 1933).[79]

After so many failures one should be wiser and more prudent, or as least it might be assumed. During my negotiations with the Ministry I laid emphasis on two issues:

1. Permission for my going freely to Paris at least twice a year, at Easter and Christmas, and a passport for a longer foreign travel for research purposes during summer vacations.

2. The autocephalous Georgian Church was to be recognized by the Polish autocephalous Orthodox Church in due course and the two institutions were to establish friendly relations.

Both conditions were accepted and eventually satisfied. So I settled in Warsaw and until the outbreak of the war in September 1939 I worked at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology of the University of Warsaw going to the parish in Paris twice a year on average, while during summer vacations I went on research trips in search of ancient Georgian texts.

As a role model to emulate in my scholarly life I chose the famous Georgian scholar Cagareli,[80]* who was the first to look for Georgian manuscripts around the world and begin their cataloguing. That pioneer in the sphere of Old Georgian literary studies had been a professor in St. Petersburg for a long time. He died just ten years ago in Tbilisi. Following in his footsteps I intended to see what had been inaccessible to him in the late 19th century. Thus, during the 1934 summer vacations I went to Germany and catalogued the Georgian manuscripts in the libraries of Leipzig and Göttingen and the State Library in Berlin.[81] The Georgian manuscripts stored at the University Library in Leipzig were brought there by Tischendorf[82]* from the Monastery of the Cross in Palestine. When I was studying his legacy to learn more about those manuscripts I came across correspondence regarding the discovery and publication of the famous Codex Sinaiticus. I became particularly interested in Tischendorf’ s correspondence with the famous Russian scholar and archimandrite Porphyrius Uspensky. I duplicated some of that correspondence on the spot and had some of it photographed. I published it after my return to Warsaw. My preliminary analysis entitled “Codex Sinaiticus – die Sinaimönche – Russland” was published in Der Orient periodical.[83] I wrote more about that in Polish in the annual published by our Faculty of Theology as well as about the documents regarding the discovery of the Codex and its text.[84] Professor Carl Schmidt[85]* was very much interested in that work and intended to commission its translation and review it.[86] I do not know whether he published anything on this topic. Or perhaps the analysis is stored as part of his legacy.

I would have stayed in Germany throughout the summer vacations but I wished to attend a course on Polish language and culture organized for foreigners in August by the Warsaw University. The next vacations, the 1935 ones, took me a little further: to Romania, Bulgaria, and Greece. Cagareli knew slightly more about the ancient Georgian texts in Romania and Bulgaria.

In Greece I visited only the famous Monastic Republic of Mount Athos, where I stayed for about six weeks. I intended to stay longer and make a trip from there to the famous monastery in Thesalia in the Meteora, where I also expected to find Georgian manuscripts. Unfortunately, I came down with malaria in Mount Athos. Luckily, I mustered enough strength to spend ten days in Bulgaria on my way back and visit the ancient Bachkovo Monastery, erected by Georgians near Plovdiv. I brought very interesting materials from my trip to Athos. I met the six Georgian old men who still lived there and I learned from them about the most recent history of the Georgian monastic colony in Mount Athos.

At the ancient Georgian Monastery of Iviron, which is now inhabited by Greeks, I copied the entire Book of Job from the oldest Georgian biblical codex dated 978 and I purchased a few 19th century Georgian duplicates of 10th century Athos manuscripts as well as many rare old Georgian prints dating back to the 18th century. In one of the Athos monasteries I came across a previously unknown account of the martyrdom of three Vilnius martyrs: Anthony, John, and Eustathius, and I made a duplicate of it. On my return via Bulgaria I was lucky to discover at the Public Library in Sophia a previously unknown rule of the Bachkovo Monastery.[87]* Shortly before the war I obtained beautiful photographs of that rule taken by the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. After the war I intend to publish a study on it.[88]* I wrote about my research results in the dissertation entitled “Die Einflüsse der georgischen Kultur auf die Kultur der Balkanvölker.”[89]

The next years, which I spent working in academia, were so peaceful that I was able to edit the notes I took during the Paris period and present them in a dissertation about the Georgian manuscripts in England,[90] in my article “Das geistige Leben in heutigen Sowjetgeorgien im Spiegel der Schönen Literatur”[91] and in a publication about a previously unknown apocryphal gospel from a monophysite point of view.[92]

The 1936 summer vacations brought me to Jerusalem and Syria. Hence, I was able to learn about the entire Holy History in the places where it happened and also see and describe the remains of the Medieval greatness of Georgia. Unfortunately, during my stay there it was relatively dangerous and leaving Jerusalem was not advisable. Thus I was forced to abandon my original plan of spending three months in the Holy Land. I stayed there for only six weeks and spent four in Syria. Anyhow, I managed to find a few new Georgian inscriptions, which Cagareli had not discovered in the 1880s. In Syria I was probably the first Georgian since the Middle Ages who managed to visit the ruins of the Monastery of Simeon Stylites the Younger. This is a cradle of Georgian culture as missionaries came to Georgia from that monastery in the 5th or 6th century, and Eprem Mcire the famous Father of the Church lived there at the turn of the 11th and 12th centuries.

Owing to help from our friend, Antranig Kavukdyan, the director of Doctor Lepsius’ Armenian orphanage in Kaja Punar,[93] I managed to visit the ruins of the Monastery of Saint Barlaam of Mount Casius, whose life has survived only in Georgian. My trip to Damascus, Antakya, and various small Syrian towns made a tremendous impression on me. I felt as if I was at home because the everyday life there and what the people in the streets were doing were very similar to what I remember from Georgia.

I brought back many interesting trophies from that journey too, including a few sheets of a Georgian 7th‒8th-century palimpsest. While studying Georgian manuscripts at the Greek library of the Patriarch of Jerusalem, because of Patriarch Timothy I took note of the writings on the margins of the manuscripts, which scholars call mementoes. That was how a monk or pilgrim recorded important facts from his own life, the history of the monastery, or other local events. These notes are particularly important as far as the history of the given monastery is concerned. In his catalogue Professor Cagareli included a relatively small number of such notes. Professor Marr studied them more intensively in 1902. Professor Blake, who was the last to stay in Palestine (from the 19th of December 1923 to the 3rd of January 1924) and also published Georgian manuscripts, included mementoes of his works only to a very small extent. I was lucky to find a few previously unpublished notes.

One can do research in the Holy Land without end. I was particularly interested in the pilgrim literature. Earlier, before I reached Palestine, I edited a substantial number of pilgrim’ s texts in various languages at the library of the German Palestinian Union in Leipzig as well as in Paris and London. Generally speaking, I looked for such texts wherever I was staying. Beginning with the 16th century, Georgian monks were forced to leave their monasteries in the Holy Land and their new residents: Greeks, Armenians, and Latinists, destroyed and removed all of their traces from the ancient monasteries. However, there was one thing they could not remove, that is, mentions of Georgian monasteries and monks included in pilgrims’ testimonies. Thus, I started collecting them just because I had a passion for them. But the material gathered became so vast that many of my friends were persuading me to publish it. However, I wished to first see those monasteries myself and introduce appropriate changes and corrections to those texts.

Editing all that interesting and informative material took me a long time after my return to Warsaw. I gradually produced reports on Georgian monks and monasteries in Palestine based on testimonies of pilgrims who were not from Georgia. It is an endless repository of knowledge, much of which has survived in the form of manuscripts.[94] Of course, it is impossible to collect everything. I wished to gradually supplement my study. I kept a diary in Palestine. At first, it was published in Polish in our Orthodox newspaper Słowo (once or twice a month). It covers the period from the 7th of July to the 28th of September, with the 17th of August being the date of the last published entry.[95] The rest probably perished in the printing house in the wartime turmoil.[96]* From this period comes my short article entitled “Eine Dokument aus der mittelalterichen Liturgiegeschichte Georgiens”[97] and a few other minor ones.[98]

All those trips took a toll on my finances and I found myself in debt (the only time I received a subsidy for my scholarly activity was in Bonn, when I received 60 or 90 marks for visiting the exhibition of Georgian art in Berlin in 1930; apart from that I had to finance my trips myself). Hence, during the summer vacations in 1937 I stayed a little closer, going to Austria, to again study Schuchardt’ s Georgian collection at the library of the University of Graz. I was very interested in a 10th-century Georgian manuscript, which included the Book of Psalms, and I even took a printed Georgian copy of the Book for comparison. Apart from that I also intended to study Georgian literature on Shota Rustaveli,[99]* because jubilee celebrations in honor of that greatest and oldest Georgian poet (12th century) were planned for the autumn of 1937 and I was to speak about his philosophical and religious views at a formal meeting in Warsaw. But I was in for a double disappointment. The manuscript of the Book of Psalms differed only slightly and insignificantly from the Georgian textus receptus and I found little information about the literary output of that great Georgian poet. Thus, I used the beautiful vacation period to take a rest and I saw the local area during the wonderful trips I made.

After my return to Warsaw I prepared a study on Georgian manuscripts in Austria, which was later published in Vienna in Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes,[100] after which I began to prepare Rustaveli’ s jubilee. I must admit that despite being an admirer of Georgian church literature I devoted very little attention to his immortal legacy. But after studying it in depth it became extremely precious to me and I would be inclined to give this poet the title of the precursor of religious thought in Georgia.

Owing to the vigorous help provided by the entire Georgian émigré community in Warsaw the celebrations proved a great success. My lecture went out in a book published by the Georgian Committee in Warsaw.[101] Apart from that I published a few reviews and short articles.[102]

The 1937/1938 academic year was devoted to Dionysius the Areopagite.[103]* Our Metropolitan’ s name is Dionizy and that year he happened to celebrate the 40th anniversary of his ordination as a priest. Thus, I wished to devote to him my study on the subject matter of Dionysius the Areopagite’ s literary output. In the documents I that copied during my Oxford times I have a so far unpublished fragment of an apocryphal text about the martyr deaths of Saint Peter and Saint. Paul, the Apostles. In the text Dionysius the Areopagite gives eye witness testimony to Timothy, the Bishop of Ephesus. It has the form of a letter, which was popular in Christian literature. I had long intended to publish this interesting text and I even exchanged letters with Professor Lietzmann concerning that.[104] I could not make up my mind because of the existence of a Greek manuscript of that text, which was purportedly stored in Florence. I decided not to publish my manuscript without examining the [Greek] manuscript on the spot.

Thus during the 1937 Christmas break I went to Italy instead of Paris. That was my first Italian journey. I regretted that I had not become familiar with this wonderful land of art, beauty, and poetry. It would be difficult to find any other place with so many ancient texts and so much preserved tradition and understanding of art. I spent the short Christmas break almost entirely in wonderful Florentine libraries in search of a Greek duplicate of Dionysius the Areopagite’ s letter. But I did find some time to visit Sienna, Rome, Naples, and Pompei. What one feels in such places later accompanies one like a ray of sunshine for the rest of one’ s life. At the same time I was looking for Georgian manuscripts and I brought home some interesting though modest material.

After my return to Warsaw I published a dissertation entitled “List apokryficzny Dionizego Areopagity do biskupa efeskiego Tymoteusza o męczeńskiej śmierci apostołów Piotra i Pawła”[105] [apocryphal epistle of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite to Timothy of Ephesus]. At the end of the 1937/1938 academic year I was appointed a co-worker of the Polish series entitled Pisma Ojców Kościoła [letters of Fathers of the Church]. I accepted the offer and at first I decided to devote my attention to the martyrs’ files.[106] Hence, I spent the summer vacations of 1938 focused on the holy martyrs. Apart from seeing the famous Colosseum in Rome I intended to see other important places sanctified with the blood of martyrs in northern Italy and southern France. During those trips I reached Montauban, where in the 19th century Georgian Uniate monks had a small higher education institution. I duplicated many interesting documents concerning the history of that institution stored in the archive of the Catholic diocese, and which were made available to me by the Bishop of Montauban.[107]*

In September 1938 I attended the International Orientalist Conference in Brussels. After my return to Warsaw at the end of the month I prepared a report on the activity of the Christian-Oriental section at that conference and I submitted it for printing to the periodical published by our Faculty of Theology, Elpis, where I also published several reviews. The war came. I worked on the martyrs’ files throughout the academic year. I was supposed to hand in the manuscript by Christmas 1939. I was also preparing for print the first part of lectures on patrology: “Ojcowie apostolscy i apologeci” [apostolic fathers and apologists]. In late May I received an invitation to the International Byzantinist Congress, which was to be held on the 9th of October 1939 in Algiers. I accepted it and submitted to the chairman, Professor Gabriel Millet, a paper in French about the rule of the Bachkovo Monastery. I had already sent its summary[108] to Millet to Paris and the topic had been accepted.

I was particularly interested in the ruins of Cartagena and of Tunisia as a whole (for a trip of conference participants was also planned to that country), where great martyrs, such as Perpetua and Felicity and many others heroic in spirit, spilt their sacred blood in defense of Christianity. It is every theologian’ s dream to see this country of the activity of the great Fathers of the Church, Cyprian of Carthage, Tertullian, and Augustine, the country which aside the Holy Land and Rome became the most significant scene of events in the history of the Church, events of international significance.

When I came to the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs for my passport in mid-July I was informed that I could leave but I could expect difficulties on my return. Hence, I gave up my plans because I have a relatively large library in Warsaw, approximately 2,000 volumes, including rare Georgian and patristic works. I decided that I could not leave the legacy of my life and work in Europe, all those treasures, at the mercy of fate. Thus, I remained in Warsaw also during its capture even though it was made possible for foreigners to leave the city. Owing to God’s Providence both my collection and modest apartment survived intact. Filled with faith and hope in Divine Providence, I continue looking into the future.

[1] G. Peradze, “Die Ausbildungszeit unseres georgischen Theologen in Deutschland,” Der Orient vol. 5‒6, no. 8 (1926): 80‒83.

[2] (*) Adolf Harnack (1851‒1930) — German historian of the Church, patrologist, Biblist, and liberal Protestant theologian. (Footnotes marked with (*) were written by Henryk Paprocki and David Kolbaia. In the text all the footnotes by Grigol Peradze).

[3] (*) Karl Holl (1866‒1926) — Lutheran historian of the Church.

[4] (*) Adolf Deissmann (1866‒1937) — German Biblist, philologist, and ecumenical activist.

[5] (*) Wolf Wilhelm Graf von Baudissin (1847‒1927) — German Biblist, specialist in the Old Testament.

[6] (*) Hugo Gressmann (1877‒1927) — German Biblist, specialist in the Old Testament.

[7] (*) Heinrich Goussen (1863‒1927) — German Orientalist, Bonn University Professor. Grigol Peradze studied under his supervision during his studies in Germany, cf. A. Baumstark, “Heinrich Goussen,” OC 24 (1927): 356‒360; H. Kaufhold, “Die Sammlung Goussen in der Universitätsbibliothek Bonn,” OC 81 (2007): 213‒227.

[8] (*) Albert Joseph Maria Ehrhard (1862-1940) — German Greek Catholic clergyman, historian of the Church and culture, patrologist, and Byzantinist.

[9] Cf. J. Lepsius, “Ein neues Band mit Georgien,” Der Orient, vol. 1‒2, no. 4 (1922): 1‒5.

[10] (*) Johannes Lepsius (1858-1926) — son of famous Egyptologist Karl Lepsius (1810‒1884), Evangelical pastor and missionary, helped the Armenian population, in 1895 set up the Deutsche Orient-Mission, which published the periodical Der Orient (1919‒1936). He led to Grigol Peradze’ s 1921 arrival in Germany to study.

[11] (*) Paul Peeters (1870-1950) — Belgian Orientalist. Cf. P. Devos, Le R. P. Paul Peeters (Brussels, 1951).

[12] G. Peradze, “Die Anfänge des Mönchtums in Georgien,” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, vol. 1, no. 46 (1927): 34‒75; separate edition: Fr. A. Perthes (Gotha, 1927), p. 41, plus three unpaginated pages. Reviews: R. Janin, Écho d’ Orient 26 (1927): 381‒382; J. Lebon, RHE 24 (1928): 487‒488; S. Hilpisch, OC vol. 3-4, no. 25‒26 (1928‒1929): 296, series 3; I. Javakhishvili, Kartveli eris istoria (A History of the Georgian Nation), vol. 1 (Tbilisi, 1928).

[13] G. Peradze, “L’ activité littéraire des moines géorgiens au monastère d’ Iviron au mont Athos,” RHE, vol. 3, no. 23 (1927): 530‒539.

[14] G. Peradze, “Über das georgischen Mönchtum,” IKZ 34 (1926), Neue Folge 16, vol. 3 (135), pp. 152‒168.

[15] Letter from the publishing house dated 29 January 1936.

[16] (*) Grigol Peradze dedicated to him the separate edition of a fragment of his doctoral dissertation: “Dem Andenken von D. Johannes Lepsius,” in G. Peradze, Die Anfänge des Mönchtums in Georgien (Gotha, 1927), p. 3.

[17] P. Peeters, “L’ église géorgienne du Clibanion au Mont Admirable,” ABol, vol. 3‒4, no. 46 (1928): 241‒286.

[18] Delivered in French in Oxford on 24 May 1932, published in: G. Peradze, “Die Probleme der ältesten Kirchengeschichte Georgiens,” OC vol. 7, no. 29 (1932): 153‒171, series 3: Festschrift Anton Baumstark zum 70. Geburtstag; Review: O. G. von Wesendonck, Völkische Kultur, vol. 5 (1933): 89‒93.

[19] (*) Library set up in 1598 in Oxford by Sir Thomas Bodley (1545‒1613), a diplomat and lecturer, who donated his fortune to it.

[20] G. Peradze, “Die Weltkonferenz in Lausanne für Glauben und Kirchenverfassung,” Der Orient, vol. 9‒10, no. 9 (1927): 106‒108. “Rede Dr. Gregor Peradses (Georgische Kirche) auf der Konferenz zu Lausanne,” Der Orient, vol. 9‒10, no. 9 (1927): 108‒109.

[21] (*) Paul Ernst Kahle (1875‒1964) — German Orientalist and philologist.

[22] (*) Anton Baumstark (1872‒1948) — German historian of liturgy.

[23] A. Baumstark, G. Peradze, “Die Weihnachtsfeier Jerusalems im siebten Jahrhundert,” trans. K. Kekelidze, Ijerusalimskij Kanonar’ VII veka (Tiblisi, 1912), pp. 43‒49; OC, vol. 1, no. 23 (1927): 310‒318, series 3.

[24] Delivered in Bonn at the 5th German Orientalist Conference on 25 August 1928. See also: G. Peradze, “Zur vorbyzantinischen Liturgie Georgiens,” Muséon, vol. 2, no. 42 (1929): 90‒99. [Review:] “Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft,” Neue Folge 7, vol. 82 (1928): 87.

[25] Delivered in French in Oxford on 6 May 1932, published in: G. Peradze, “Les monuments liturgiques prébyzantins en langue géorgiens,” Muséon, vol. 4, no. 45 (1932): 255‒272. Review: S. Kiryłowicz, Elpis, vol. 1, no. 7 (1933): 210‒212.

[26] G. Peradze, “Die altgeorgische Literatur und ihre Probleme,” OC vol. 2, no. 24 (1927): 205‒222, series 3.

[27] G. Peradze, “Die alt-georgische Literatur in der georgischen Überlieferung,” [A] – OC vol. 3‒4, no. 25‒26 (1928‒1929): 109‒116, series 3; [B-D] — vol. 3‒4, pp. 282‒288; [E-G] — vol. 5, no. 27 (1930): 80‒98, series 3; [H-I/J] — vo. 5, pp. 232‒236; [Johannes Chrysostomus] — vol. 6, no. 28 (1931): 97‒107, series 3, [Johannes von Damascus-Joseph von Arimathea] — vol. 6, pp. 240‒244. [Josephus Flavius-Lukianos] — vol. 8, no. 30 (1933): 86‒92, series 3. [M-Z] — vo. 8, pp. 180‒198.

[28] (*) Heinrich Vogels (1880‒1972) — German Biblist and specialist in the New Testament.

[29] (*) Diatessaron — combination of four Gospels into a single coherent narrative made by Christian apologist Tatian (2nd century).

[30] Published in Moscow in 1916 [Adisis sakhareba. Адышское евангелие, foreword by E. S. Takaishvili (Moscow 1916) [=Материалы по археологии Кавказа, собранные экспедициями Московского археологического общества, 4 edition].

[31] OC 25 (1930): 117‒124.

[32] G. Peradze, “Die Probleme der georgischen Evangelienübersetzung,” Zeitschrift für die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche, vol. 3‒4, no. 29 (1930): 304‒309. Review: “Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft,” Neue Folge 9, vol. 84 (1930): 94-95. Reviews: A. Baumstark, OC 25‒26 (1928‒1929): 117‒124, series 3; H. Gerstinger, Byzantion, vol. 1, no. 5 (1929‒1930): 426-427; A. Bertram, Theologische Blätter 9 (1930): 213.

[33] (*) Niko Marr (1865-1934) — Georgian linguist and archeologist, creator of the theory of the class-nature and stadial development of languages, known as the Japhetic theory.

[34] G. Peradze, [Review:] G. Cuendet, “L’ ordre des mots dans le texte grec et dans les version gothique, arménienne et vieux-slave des évangiles. Premi`ere partie: Les groupes nominaux. Collection linguistique publiée par la Société de Linguistique de Paris 26, Paris 1929,” Orientalische Literatur-Zeitung, vol. 5, no. 34 (1931): 455.

[35] Oxford University Gazette vol. 62, no. 1999, 27 April 1932, p. 489.

[36] (*) Robert Pierpont Blake (1886‒1950) — American Byzantinist.

[37] R. P. Blake, The Old Georgian Version of the Gospel of Mark (Paris, 1928) (= Patrologia Orientalis, vol. 20, no. 3) and The Old Georgian Version of the Gospel of Matthew (Paris, 1933) (= Patrologia Orientalis, vol. 24, no. 1).

[38] Georgian manuscripts of the Gospels were photographed by Doctor Theodor Kluge for the Prussian Academy of Sciences. See minutes of meetings of the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences vol. 15 (Berlin 1911), pp. 360‒370 [= T. Kluge, Bericht über photographische Aufnahmen altgeorgischenr Handschriften (Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1911), pp. 368‒370].

[39] The management of that periodical was convinced by a letter dated 24 June 1939 to photograph that treatise. The deadline for the delivery of the manuscript was set for 15 October 1939.

[40] G. Peradze, “Zur Ausstellung der georgischen Kunst,” Der Orient, vol. 4, no. 12 (1930): 120‒122.

[41] See footnote 11.

[42] See footnote 17.

[43] “Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft,” Neue Folge 7 (82), Leipzig, (1928: XLV.

[44] (*) Carl Heinrich Becker (1876‒1933), German Orientalist.

[45] The Department of Modern Georgian Studies has operated at the Oriental Chair of the University of Berlin for a long time and it is represented by Professor Richard Meckelein, a leading expert on the Georgian language and contemporary literature.

(*) The Department of Modern Georgian Studies has operated at the Oriental Chair of the University of Berlin for a long time and it is represented by Professor Richard Meckelein, a leading expert on the Georgian language and contemporary literature. As for the Department of Old Georgian Studies, Grigol Peradze was probably referring to the activity of Mikheil Tsereteli at the Chair of Oriental Languages of the University of Berlin (around 1936 renamed the German Institute for Oriental Studies). Cf.: University of Berlin, Personalverzeichnis 125. Rektorsjahr 1934/1935, p. 109: “Lecture for the Oriental Languages Section,” “Planned assistant professors: Richard Meckelein, Doctor of philology, teacher, and professor (south Slavis, Georgian, Polish, Spanisz,” “Unplanned assistant professors pursuing their profession as a secondary one, employed to deliver lectures,” “Michael von Cereteli, Doctor of philology, professor (old Georgian).” As for Tsereteli (1878‒1965) cf.: K. Salia, “80e anniversaire du Prof. M. Tseretheli,” Bedi Kartlisa 4‒5 (1958): 9‒13 and “Michel Tsereteli (1878‒1965),” Bedi Kartlisa 19‒20 (1965): 7‒13.

[46] (*) Hugo Ernst Mario Schuchardt (1842‒1927) — German classical philologist.

[47] [Translation from Georgian:] “Liturgia sancti et omnilaudati Apostoli Petri,” in H. W. Codrington, The Liturgy of Saint Peter, vol. 30 (Münster in Westfallen: Liturgiegeschichtliche Quellen und Forschungen, 1936), pp. 156‒163.

[48] G. Peradze, “Skizzen zur Kulturgeschichte Georgiens. 1. Der Heilige Georg im Leben und in der Frömmigkeit des georgischen Volkes (ein religionsgeschichtlicher Versuch),” Der Orient, vol. 2, no. 12 (1930): 45‒52.

[49] G. Peradze, “Skizzen zur Kulturgeschichte Georgiens. 2. Das Mönchtum in der orientalischen Kirche,” Der Orient, vol. 3, no. 12 (1930): 85‒89.

(*) I. Rucker discussed in Klerusblatt (organ of the Bavarian Diocesal Association of Priests), Eichstätt, vol. 17, notebook 49 (1936): 909 and unpaginated pages. Volume of the first year’ s issue of Der orientalische Monchtum. Eine Betrachtung von Prof. Dr. Georg Peradze, published in Warsaw (his name is misspelled). “This study makes such references to P. Michael Tarkhnishvili’ s S.I.C. work Khrestianstva v Gruzii (pp. 12-20), that most probably it is Father Tarkhnishvili, whom Peradze does not mention by name. More about this eminent Georgian scholar, who lived 1897‒1958, see G. Garitte, Muséon 71 (1958): 397‒399; J. Assfalg, Bedi Kartlisa 6‒7 (1959): 56-64 (with bibliography); Kartuli eklesiis istoriis kvlevis fondma, published by I. Uturashvili and others, vol. 1: Mikheil Tarkhnishvili, Tserilebi (Tbilisi, 1994), pp. 9‒39 (biography), pp. 539‒543 (bibliography); the volume also contains translations of various works by M. Tarkhnishvili.

[50] G. Peradze, “Skizzen zur Kulturgeschichte Georgiens. 3. Das Mönchtum in der georgischen Kirche,” Der Orient, vol. 6, no. 12 (1930): 178‒182.

[51] G. Peradze, “Georgien,” in Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Handwörterbuch für Theologie und Religionswissenschaft, vol. 2 (Tübingen: Verlag von J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1927), columns 1031‒1033 [Also in this encyclopedia “Eznik von Kolb,” vol. 2, column 488 and “Faustus von Byzanz,” vol. 2, column 529].

[52] G. Peradze, [Review:] K. Kekelidse, “Die Bekehrung Georgiens zum Christentum,” Leipzig, Der Orient vol. 5, no. 11 (1929): 162‒164. Also printed in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Neue Folge 49, vol. 12 (1930): 95‒99. The same review was also published in Der Orient, vol. 11, no. 5 (1929): 162‒164.

[53] I would like to make a reference to a very long letter or essay on the significance of Georgian studies. That text was transferred upon my request by His Excellence von Harnack to the-then director of the Georgian Chair in Bonn, Professor Kahle. This letter is, or actually was during my time in Bonn, in the archive of the Orientalist Chair and as a matter of fact it should be published. My attention was directed to that letter by Mrs. von Harnack. I am in possession of her letter dated 4 January 1932. As a matter of fact it mentions very precious Georgian manuscripts dating back to the 10th century, which are in private possession of Doctor von Käte Grote-Hahn (Berlin-Wilmersdorf, Hildegardstrasse 14). Professor Deissman brought those manuscripts to my attention and I inspected them during the 1929/1930 Christmas break. As this lady is selling these manuscripts I have no right to publish my notes about them.

[* Cf.: G. Peradze, OC (1930), p. 191; G. Garitte, Muséon 67 (1954): 76, footnote 18].

[54] (*) As for the monastery cf. M. Tamarati, L’ Eglise géorgienne (Rome, 1910), pp. 666‒670. In the case of the Georgian Catholic priest mentioned by G. Peradze, he cannot be Micheal Tarhnishvilli, because he was given ministry over Georgian Catholics in France in 1934.

[55] (*) Germanos (Strinopoulos, 1872‒1951) — took vows in 1897 and was ordained a deacon, during 1904‒1922 a Professor at the Theological School of Halki, in 1907 ordained a priest and granted the title of archimandrite, in 1912 became the Titular Metropolitan of the Selection, in 1922 appointed the Metropolitan of Thyateira, the exarch of the Ecumenical Patriarch for Northern and Western Europe.

[56] (*) G. Peradze, [Epic poem:] “Romelni qerubimta (xilva),” Jvari vazisa 4 (1934): 31‒55. Also published in „Mamao Tsvenos” ganmarteba. qadagebani. Narkvevebi (Tbilisi, 2001), pp. 132‒150.

[57] (*) Francis Crawford Burkitt (1864‒1935) — English exegete, historian, and Orientalist.

[58] G. Peradze, “Die geistige Leben in heutigen Sowjetgeorgien im Spiegel der schönen Literatur,” in Schriften der Albertus-Universität, vol. 4 (Königsberg-Berlin, 1938), pp. 270‒288.

[59] (*) Dionizy (Konstanty Waledyński, 1876-1960) — in 1923 appointed Metropolitan of Warsaw and Poland, in 1933 invited Father Grigor Peradze to Poland as Professor at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology of Warsaw University and a guardian of the Georgian émigré milieu in Poland, in 1948 removed from power in the Church by the communist authorities.

[60] The Orthodox Church in Poland had approx. 4.5 million followers, its own seminaries, and the Faculty of Orthodox Theology of the University of Warsaw.

[61] (*) Maurice Goguel (1880‒1955) — French theologian and Biblist.

[62] (*) Gabriel Millet (1867‒1953) — French Byzantinist.

[63] He discusses this in his letter dated 2 August 1932.

[64] This is discussed in all of the correspondence dated 29 August 1929, 4 and 8 May 1931, and 27 March 1939.

[65] (*) Metropolitan Eulogius (Vasily Semyonovich Georgiyevsky, 1868‒1946) — Orthodox Metropolitan.

[66] (*) Hans Lietzmann (1875-1942) — German Biblist, historian of the Church and theologian.

[67] (*) The Marjory Wardrop Foundation, which awards the Wardrop Scholarship for Georgian Studies, was established in 1910 after the death of Marjory Scott Wardrop (1869‒1909).

[68] (*) Frederick Connybeare (1856‒1924) — English Orientalist.

[69] (*) Cf. D. Barret, Catalogue of the Wardrop Collection and of the other Georgian Books and Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1973).

[70] “22 August 1932. Dear Dr Peradze, I have to thank you for the extract from the ZNTW about the Didache. Doctor Armitage Robinson is preparing an edition of the Didache and I will see that he is informed of your interesting discovery. I wish I had otherwise any good news for you. I received a reply from the Rockefeller Foundation to say that on my recommendation they would keep your name in mind, but that at present they were not offering any Fellowship or “Fund” for ancient literatures. I think all these American funds are feeling the universal commercial depression. I wish I could see any opening for you in Cambridge, but at present there is none. There is no fund for Georgian or even Armenian studies und very little interest in what may be called Byzantine studies generally. On the whole I should recommend you to ask R. P. Blake, Widerer Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. USA what it [sic!] recommends. It is not as a Georgian scholar, but as Director of the Harvard University Library that he has an official post. But he may know where there is any demand for the work of a Georgian scholar like yourself. I wish I had better advice to give, but the prospects of Christian Study in England are very dark.”

[71] (*) “Before hearing out N. concerning your desire to look for Georgian manuscripts in Italian libraries, after certain hesitation (perfectly understandable as he gets many such requests), the Holy Father is willing to give you a subsidy.”

[72] During my two trips to Italy (over the 1937/1938 Christmas break and in July 1938) I managed to discover Georgian manuscripts in a few libraries. Unfortunately, I was unable to visit libraries in Rome and Palermo, where I expected to find ancient Georgian texts. I have never published the results of my Italian trips.

[73] (*) A reference to siblings of Georgian émigrés. In 1931 Alexis Mdivani (1905‒1935) married Louisa Astor Van Alen (1910‒1997), whom he divorced in 1932 to marry Barbara Woolworth Hutton (1912‒1979) in 1933, who was one of the wealthiest women at that time. The couple divorced in 1935. Alexis died in a car crash. In 1928 Serge Mdivani (1903-1936) married actress Pola Negri (Barbara Apolonia Chałupiec, 1894‒1987), whom he divorced in 1931 and after a short affair with opera singer Mary MacCormick (1889‒1991) he married his former sister-in-law, Louisa Astor Van Alen in 1936. He died in an accident while playing polo. David Mdivani (1907‒1984) married actress Mae Murray (1889‒1965) in 1926, whom he divorced in 1934 and after a love affair with the French actress Arletty (Marie Julie Bathiat, 1898‒1992) he married Virginia Sinclair (1915‒1979) in 1944, who was a daughter of the owner of Sinclair Oil. Nina Mdivani (1910‒1987) married Charles Huberich (1877‒1945) in 1925, whom she divorced in 1936 to marry Dennis Stewart Percy Conan Doyle (1909‒1955) in the same year, a son of Artur Conan Doyle (1859-1930), the creator of Sherlock Holmes. Roussadana (Roussie, Rouss) Mdivani (1906‒1938) married Spanish painter José Maria Sert (1874‒1945) in 1932, who during 1920‒1932 was the third husband of Misia Sert (Marie Sophie Olga Zénaïde Godebska, 1872‒1950), the queen of the 1920s and a symbol of la belle epoque.

[74] (*) According to the marriage records of the parish of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Paris (act 34/1933), Alexis Mdivani’ s wedding with Barbara Woolworth Hutton took place on 22 June 1933 and was officiated by Protopriest Yakov Smirnov (1854‒1936).

[75] G. Peradze, “Lehre der zwölf Apostel” in der georgischen Überlieferung,” Zeitschrift für die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche, vol. 2, no. 31 (1932): 111‒116, 206.

[76] (*) Humphrey William Codrington (1879‒1942) — English Orientalist and liturgist.

[77] See footnote 29.

[78] Literally ‘grapevine cross’. Published during 1931‒1934, discussed by Professor G. Deeters in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. 91, notebook 2 (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1937), pp. 529‒530. note-book 1 (Paris, 1931) contains, for instance, a sketch about the famous Georgian poet Besarion Gabashvili, based on the new materials I found at the Bodleian Library, pp. 19‒24. Notebook 2 (1932): a comprehensive review of Professor Javakhishvili’ s thesis that Saint George replaced the old Georgian god of the Moon, pp. 6‒35. A short sketch with my new translation of “Song of Songs” from Old Hebrew into modern Georgian, pp. 35‒48. Notebook 3 (1933): my commentary on Lord’ s Prayer kept in a form of a sermon, pp. 13‒68. And, last but not least, notebook 4 (1934): chronicle of the 18th century Monastery of John the Baptist which I found at the Bodleian Library and my “Cherubs’ Hymn,” which I wrote in Bonn while lying sick in bed, pp. 31‒35.

[79] G. Peradze, “Pojęcie, zadania i metody patrologii w teologii prawosławnej,” Elpis, vol. 1, no. 8 (1934): 209‒218 (Review in French see pp. 243‒244). Separate edition: (Warsaw: Drukarnia Synodalna, 1934), p. 12.

[80] (*) Alexander Cagareli (1844‒1929) — Georgian philologist, specialist in Old Georgian literature, professor of the University of Tbilisi.

[81] This sketch has not been published. As far as I know, Professor Cagareli was not familiar with the Georgian collections in Berlin and Leipzig.

[82] (*) Lobegott Friedrich Constantin Freiherr Tischendorf (1815‒1874) — German Lutheran theologist and paleographist.

[83] G. Peradze, “Der Codex Sinaiticus – die Sinaimönche – Russland,” Der Orient, vol. 5, no. 16 (1934): 110‒111.

[84] G. Peradze, “Dokumenty dotyczące zagadnień odnalezienia i tekstu Kodeksu Synajskiego,” Elpis, vol. 2, no. 8 (1934): 127‒151 (review in French, pp. 186-187). Separate edition: (Warsaw: Drukarnia Synodalna, 1934), p. 28.

[85] (*) Carl Schmidt (1868-1938) — German Coptologist and Church historian.

[86] His postcard to me dated 26 October 1937 (postmark date).

[87] (*) The director of the National Library in Sophia wrote about that discovery. See R. Raikov, “Нов важен документ за историята на Бачковския монастыр,” Зора, vol. 17, no. 4878, 2 October 1935, p. 5.

[88] (*) The Georgian version of that rule was published in A. Shanidze, Грузинский монастырь в Болгарии и его Типик. Грузинская редакция Типика (Tbilisi, 1971).

[89] G. Peradze, “Die Einflüsse der georgischen Kultur auf die Kultur der Balkanvölker (Eindrucke von einer Reise durch Rumänien, Griechenland und Bulgarien),” Der Orient, vol. 1, no. 18 (1936): 1‒9; “Udział Gruzji w dziejach kultury duchowej na Bałkanach,” Wschód-Orient, vol. 1, 7 (1936): 56‒64; “Georgian Influences on the Cultures of the Balkan peoples,” Georgica, vol. 2‒3, no. 1 (1936): 14‒23 [Review: G. Deeters, “Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft,” Neue Folge 91, vol. 16 (1937): 525.] I have never published either the catalogue of manuscripts and Old Georgian prints which I brought from Mount Athos to Warsaw or my diary Wędrówki po klasztorach [from monastery to monastery]. I possess, among others, an authentic and unpublished, that is unknown, letter from Georgian writer Jon Khelashvili, who died in 1837, which is extremely interesting for the history of Georgian émigré community in Russia in the late 18th century. It was not mentioned by M. Tarhnishvili, Historia gruzińskiej literatury kościelnej (Vatican, 1955), pp. 305‒309. I sent the duplicate of the account of the martyrology of the martyrs of Vilnius in 1347 from Athens to the Polish legacy because I could not decipher the Greek writing and I asked for a typewritten duplicate. However, I have to wait until the end of the war to see what happens. I have made a short and preliminary report on the Georgian version of the Book of Job at the Polish Orientalist Society in Warsaw in February 1936. It is based on the first three chapters. The Georgian translation comes from the still unknown version of the Septuagint. Thus, the Georgian version of the Book of Job is of great significance for studying the Septuagint.

[90] G. Peradze, “Georgian Manuscripts in England,” Georgica, vol. 1, no. 1 (1935): 80‒88. Review: G. Deeters, “Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft,” Neue Folge 91, vol. 16 (1937): 523.

[91] See footnote 36.

[92] G. Peradze, “Nieznana Ewangelia apokryficzna pochodząca z kół monofizyckich,” Elpis, vol. 1‒2, no. 9 (1935): 183‒215 (introduction pp. 183‒184; the text of the Gospel pp. 184‒215; review in French pp. 215‒216). Separate edition: (Warsaw: Drukarnia Synodalna, 1935), p. 36. Also published in Apokryfy Nowego Testamentu, ed. Father Marek Starowieyski. I. Ewangelie apokryficzne, Lublin, 1980, T. N. K. U. L., pp. 150‒172; 2nd edition: (Lublin, 1986), pp. 150‒172; 3rd edition: (Cracow: WAM, 2003), 1st edition, pp. 204‒229. Review: R. Sereschnikoff, Kyrios, vol. 4, no. 3 (1938): 329‒330; F. Zorell, Orientalia 8 (1939): 258‒259 Nova series.

[93] G. Peradze, “Erlebnisse in und um Kaja Punar,” Orient im Bild, vol. 9, no. 11 (1937): 33‒34.

[94] G. Peradze, “An Account of the Georgian Monks and Monasteries in Palestine as Revealed in the Writings of non-Georgian Pilgrims,” Georgica, vol. 4‒5, no. 2 (1937): 181‒246 + 2 illustrations. Reviews: A. M. Schneider, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 63 (1937): 247‒249; Z. Lepan, La Revue de Prométhée, vol. 2, no. 1 (1938): 268; J. Janin, Échos d’ Orient 37 (1938): 473; F. Zorell, Orientalia 8 (1939): 257‒258 Nova series.

[95] G. Peradze, “Z dziennika podróży po Ziemi Świętej i Syrii (5. VII.—28. IX. 1936),” Polska Stronica Słowa 3 (1938), notebooks 5‒6 of 30 January 1938, pp. 6‒7; notebooks 7‒8 of 13 February 1938, pp. 4‒6; notebook 9 of 27 February 1938, pp. 6‒7; notebooks 12‒13 of 27 March 1938, pp. 5‒7; notebooks 14‒15 of 10 April 1938, pp. 5‒6; notebooks 16‒17 of 24 April 1938, pp. 7‒8; notebooks 18‒19 of 8 May 1938, pp. 6‒8. Also “Betlejem. Wrażenia z pobytu osobistego,” Polska Stronica Słowa 2 (1937), notebook 1 of 3 January 1937, p. 3 and “Uroczystości niepodległościowe w Aleppo. Wrażenia z podróży,” Wschód-Orient 7 (1936): 43‒50, notebook 4.

[96] (*) The author does not mention the later publication of the diary in Wiadomości Metropolii Prawosławnej w Polsce 2 (1939): notebook 10 of 5 March 1939, pp. 2‒3; notebook 11 of 12 March 1939, pp. 2‒3; notebook 13 of 26 March 1939, pp. 2‒3; notebook 14 of 2 April 1939, p. 3; notebook 15 of 8 April 1939, p. 5; notebook 18 of 30 April 1939, p. 3; notebook 19 of 7 May 1939, p. 3; notebook 21 of 21 May 1939, p. 3; notebook 22 of 28 May 1939, p. 3; notebook 24 of 11 June 1939, p. 3; notebook 25 of 18 June 1939, p. 3; notebook 26 of 25 June, p. 3; notebook 27 of 2 July 1939, p. 3; notebooks 28‒29 of 9 July 1939, pp. 2‒4; notebooks 30‒31 of 23 July 1939, pp. 3‒4; notebook 33 of 13 August 1939, pp. 4‒5.

[97] G. Peradze, “Ein Dokument der mittelalterlichen Liturgiegeschichte Georgiens,” Kyrios 1 (1936): 74‒79, notebook 1.

[98] I would like to draw attention particularly to my article “Ś. p. dr Adolf Deissmann. Ze wspomnień osobistych,” Polska Stronica Słowa 2 (1937), notebook 16 of 18 April 1937, p. 2.

[99] (*) Shota Rustaveli (2nd half of the 12th century‒early 13th century) — Georgian poet, statesman, progenitor of Georgian literature, author of a masterpiece of world poetry — the epic poem entitled The Knight in the Panther’ s Skin, trans. Marjory Scott Wardrop (London: The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1912).

[100] G. Peradze, “Über die georgischen Handschriften in Österreich,” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. 3‒4, no. 47 (1940): 219‒232.

[101] G. Peradze, “Religia Szoty Rustaweli’ ego,” in G. Nakaszydze, Szota Rustaweli (Warsaw 1937), pp. 13‒15.

[102] G. Peradze, [Review:] H. W. Codrington, The Liturgy of Saint Peter, Münster in Westfallen, 1936, „Kyrios”, 2(1937), z. 3, pp. 260-262; [Review:] H. W. Codrington, The Liturgy of Saint Peter, Münster in Westfallen, 1936, „Elpis”, 10(1936), z. 1-2, pp. 232-233; [Review:] R. P. Blake, Epiphanius de Gemmis the old Georgia Version and the Fragments of the Armenian Version, London 1934, „Elpis”, 11(1937), z. 1-2, pp. 261-262; [Review:] R. P. Blake, Epiphanius de Gemmis the old Georgia Version and the Fragments of the Armenian Version, London 1934, „Kyrios”, 2 (1937), z. 4, pp. 343-345; [Review:] V. Nalivaiko, Po sviatii ziemli, Lwów, 1937, „Szlach”, ?(1937), z. 3, p. 8; also a short story: “Przeznaczenie” in Polska Stronica Słowa 3 (1938), notebooks 1‒2 of 2 January 1937, pp. 5-7. This short story was translated into Russian by famous Russian writer Yevgeniy Vadimov and published Предопредeление (Быль),” Воскресное Чтение, vol. 1‒2, no. 15 (1938): 4‒8. To be precise, let me remark on a short Easter essay entitled “Droga do zwycięstwa” [The Path to Victory], which was published in olish in the above mentioned church newspaper on 29 May 1937, p. 4.

[103] (*) It has recently been assumed that the actual author of a series of works which were attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite (cf. Acts 17:16-34), an acolyte of Saint Paul the Apostle, which were penned by an anonymous author in the late 5th century or in the early 6th century (cf. I. Popov, A. Pokrovski, “Дионисий Ареопагит,” in “Христианство.” Энциклопедический словарь (Moscow, 1993)], pp. 480‒483), is Peter the Iberian, who at some point was revered in Georgia as a saint. Cf. Sh. Nutsubidze, Тайна Псевдо-Дионисия Ареопагита (Tbilisi, 1942); E. Honigmann, Pierre l’ Ibérien et les écrits du Pseudo-Denys l’ Aréopagite (Brusselles, 1952); V. Chachanidze, Петр Ивер и археологические раскопки грузинского монастыря в Иерусалиме (Tbilisi, 1977); Жития грузинских святых, compiled by Z. Machitadze, M. Bukia, M. Bulia, (Tbilisi, 2002), p. 222; D. Shlenov, “Ареопагитики,” in Православня Энциклопедия, 3rd edition (Moscow, 2001), pp. 195‒213.

[104] Professor Hans Lietzmann’ s letter of 5 February 1930.

[105] G. Peradze, “List apokryficzny Dionizego Areopagity do biskupa efeskiego Tymoteusza o męczeńskiej śmierci apostołów Piotra i Pawła,” Elpis vol. 1‒2, no. 11 (1937): 11‒142 (Introduction pp. 111‒134; text pp. 135‒142; review in French pp. 142‒143). Separate edition: (Warsaw: Drukarnia Synodalna, 1937), p. 35, plus 1 unpaginated page. Also printed in Wiadomości Polskiego Autokefalicznego Kościoła Prawosławnego vol. 3‒4, no. 16 (1986): 39‒45, (text) = Apokryfy Nowego Testamentu. Apostołowie I, pp. 460‒470. Review: K. Sereschnikoff, Kyrios 3 (1938): 329.

[106] The fruit of that seminar was the book — G. Peradze, Akta męczenników (Warsaw: Koło Teologów Prawosławnych, 1934), pp. 2, 26, plus one unpaginated page.

[107] (*) Set up in 1861, the Georgian Catholic congregation of the Faithful of the Immaculate Conception in Constantinople, whose members observed the Latin, Armenian, or Greek Orthodox rite (cf. R. Janin, Eglises orientals et rites orientaux [Paris, 1955], p. 311), bought a small house in Montauban in the late 1870s, approx. 50 km north of Toulouse. A printing house was set up in the building, but as soon as in 1880s that branch was closed by the French authorities. Cf. I. Tabagoua, “L’ imprimérie géorgienne à Montauban,” Bedi Kartlisa, 37 (1979): 232‒238. The congregation expired a long time ago for lack of successors. Michael Tarhnishvili (1897‒1959) might have been its penultimate member.

[108] I still have not managed to publish a short overview of Professor A. Łotocki’ s work, Autokefalia (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Ukraińskiego Instytutu Naukowego, 1938) in Ukrainian, the periodical Shlach (Lutsk, 1939, book 1). Later, on 8 February 1939 I sent an essay on Georgian manuscripts in French to Mr. Gvazava, the publisher of the periodical La Géorgie; some corrections made on 19 February 1939. The receipt of the manuscript was confirmed with a letter. At this point I cannot say what happened with that material.

Bibliography

Archival Sources

France

Archives du Ministère des Affaires étrangères. Correspondance politique et commerciale.

1914–1940. Série Z (Europe). Dossier no. 629 Russie (Caucase).

Georgia

Central Historical Archive

National Archives of Georgia

Korneli Kekelidze Georgian National Centre of Manuscripts

Germany

Politisches Archiv des Auswärtigen Amts Federal Archive of Germany (Bundesarchiv)

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Archiwum Akt Nowych

Archiwum Polskiej Akademii Nauk

Instytut Pamięci Narodowej

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Abbreviations

The following abbreviations are used throught the book

ABol – Analecta Bollandiana, Brusseles, since 1882.

AOL – Archives de l’Orient Latin, Paris, 1881‒1884.

CCCM – Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis, Turnhout, since 1984.

CSCO – Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium, Paris, 1903‒1949; Leuven, since 1950.

EL – Ephemerides Liturgicae, Rome, since 1887.

EO – Echo d’Orient. Revue d’histoire et de liturgie orientales, Paris-Bucarest, 1897‒1940.

Elpis – Elpis. Theological periodical published by Metropolitan Dionizy in cooperation with professors of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology of Warsaw University, Warsaw, 1926‒1937.

IKZ – Internationale Kirchliche Zeitschrift, Bern, since 1911.

Luk – Liturgie und Kunst, Mönchengladbach, since 1920.

Muséon – Le Muséon. Revue d’etudes orientales, Leuven, since 1882.

OC – Oriens Christianus. Hefte für die Kunde des christlichen Orients, Rome-Wiesbaden, since 1901.

PG – Patrologia Graeca, ed. J. Migne, Paris.

PL – Patrologia Latina, ed. J. Migne, Paris.

PO – Patrologia Orientalis, Turnhout-Paris, since 1903.

PPS – Pravoslavnyi Palistinskiy Sbornik, Petersburg, 1881‒1917.

PPTS – Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society, London, since 1884.

Pro Georgia – Pro Georgia. Journal of Kartvelological Studies, Warsaw, since 1991.

PSOL – Publications de la Societe de l’Orient Latin, Paris.

RHE – Revue d’Histoire Ecclésiastique, Louvain, od 1900.

ROC – Revue de l’Orient Chrétien, Paris, 1896‒1939.

ROL – Revue de l’Orient Latin, Paris, 1893‒1911.

ZDPV – Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins, Leipzig, 1878‒1894, 1913‒1945; Wiesbaden, since 1954.

Index

Abashidze Dafina

Abashidze (George)

Abashidze Irakli

Abel Felix-Marie

Abkhazi Elene

Abkhazi Konstantine

Abkhazi Niko

Alen Louisa Astor

Allen William

Alexius I (Patriarch)

Alishan Leon

Ambrosi (Khelaia) Catholicos-Patriarch

of All Georgia

Amilakhori Vakhtang

Amilakhvari Dimitri

Amiranashvili Shalva

Amirejibi Shalva

Ananiashvili Dimitri

Andronicus Palaiologos

Antiochus Strategos

Anthim the Iberian

Atanelishvili T.

Athanasius of Athos

Atoneli Giorgi

Asatiani Alexandre

Assfalg Julius

Astor van Allen Louisa

Avalishvili Giorgi

Avalishvili Zurab

Bagrationi Irakli

Bagrationi Sopo

Bagrat IV Kuropalates

Bagrationi-Touranjean Natalia

Balanchivadze Giorgi (George Balanchini)

Baldi Donatus

Balş Gheorghe

Baratashvili Mariam

Baratashvili Nikoloz

Bardas Skleros (died in )

Barnabishvili Elene

Basil of Caesarea the Great

Baudissin Wolf Wilhelm Graf

Baumgarten Martin

Baumstark Anton

Baytugan Barasbi

Bazilevskaya Natalia

Benag Ch. L.

Beridze Shalva

Berkman-Karenin Jerzy

Besiki (Bessarion Gabashvili)

Bilanishvili Mikheil

Blake Robert Pierpont

Bodley Thomas

Borkowski Stanisław

Branicki Adam

Birilov G.

Brianu Joan

Brosset Marie-Félicité-Xavier

Bukia Manana

Bulia Maka

Buxton Harold Jocelyn

Burkitt Francis Crawford

Cagareli Alexander

Chachanidze Gabrusha

Chachanidze Vladimer

Cherkezishvili Elene

Connybeare Frederick

Chijavadze Sofia

Chkondideli Anton

Chkhenkeli Akaki

Chkhenkeli Ketevan

Chkhenkeli Kita

Chkhenkeli Makrine (Makrine Turkia)

Cholokashvili Kakutsa

Chrysostom John Saint

Clement Saint

Dadiani Irine

Dadiani Josephi

Dadiani Leon

Dadiani Mary

Dadiani (Koki) Nikoloz

Dadeshkeliani Ilamaz

Damian I Patriarch of Jerusalem

Daushvili Rusudan

Deeters G.

Deissmann Gustaf Adolf

Demnitz Gerhard Paul

Demnitz Ruth

Devos Paul

Dionizy (Waledyński) Metropolitan

Dmitriyevsky Aleksij

Doguzh

Donner H.

Dostoevsky Fiodor

Dudra Stefan

Engberding H.

Enukashvili S.

Eradze Giorgi

Eristavi Alexandre (Sasha)

Eristavi Raphael

Eristavi Tamara

Eristavi Tornike

Eristavi V.

Erhardt Josef

Esbroeck Michel van

Faustus von Byzanz

Frederick I Barbarossa

Frederick II

Frescobaldi Leonardo

Gabashvili Besarion

Gabashvili Keke

Gabashvili Timote

Gamkrelidze (Captan)

Gamrekeli Elene

Gamrekeli Vladimer

Gan-phar (Grigol Peradze’s pen-name)

Garitte G.

Gaster M.

Gerstinger H.

Gegetchkori Evgeni

Gegetchkori-Sturua Tamar (Matiko)

George the Hagiorite

Ghambashidze Vakhtang

Gibbes Nicholas

Goguadze Vladimeri (Valodia)

Goguel Maurice

Godebska Marie Sophie

Godzjaszwili Jerzy Irakli

Gorion Emanuel Bin (Emanuel Berdyczewski)

Goussen Heinrich

Graf Georg

Gregor Bakuriani

Gregory Palamas

Gressmann Hugo

Grober G.

Gvazava Athanasius

Gvazava Georges

Gvazava Nino

Gvazava Matthew

Gvarjaladze Konstantine

Gromadzki Aleksander

Gugushvili Andria

Hadrian Roman emperor

Haile Selassie I

Harnack Adolf

Harold Buxton

Hassan Hajji

Hezekiah

Holl Karl

Honigmann Ernest

Horn Elzearius

Huberich Charles

Hugues Vincent Louis

Hutton Barbara Woolworth

Ilia II Catholicos-Patriarch

Imnaishvili Gerasime

Istranovich Michael

Jakeli Konstantine

Jakeli Otar

Janeli J.

Janelidze Otar

Japaridze Ivane

Japaridze Levan

Japaridze Nino

Japaridze Pavle Archimandrite

Javakhishvili Ivane

Jintcharadze Alexandre

Jintcharadze Ketevan

Justinian I the Great

Kahle Paul

Kalandadze Sh.

Kakheladze David

Kandelaki Beniamin

Karbelashvili Vasil

Kargareteli Alexsandre

Kautsky Karl

Kaufhold H.

Kavukdian Antranig

Kavtaradze Ivane

Kedia Theodora (Theona)

Kedia Melkisedek (Mekki)

Kedia Mikheil

Kedia Spiridon

Kedia Zeinab

Kedia Valentine

Kekelidze Korneli

Kemularia Joseph

Khoshtaria Akaki

Khoshtaria Dimitri (Dutu Megreli)

Khoshtaria Jonas

Khundadze Mikheil

Kolbaia David

Kiknadze Irakli

Kirion I

Kirion II (Sadzaglishvili)

Kiryłowicz S.

Klement Karl

Kluge Theodor

Kress (General)

Kurnikowski Zdzisław

Kvariani Nikoloz (Kola)

Kvinitadze (Giorgi Chikovani) (General)

Kvinitadze Maria

Laghidze David (Data)

Leist Arthur

Laskov Daniel

Lenin Vladimir

Leonide (Okropiridze) Catholicos-Patriarch

Lepsius Johannes

Lepsius Karl

Libera Paweł

Lietzmann Hans

Locke William John

Lopariev Kh.

Lumby John Rawson

Lumby Joseph Rawson

Lunacharsky Anatoli Vasilievich

Łobodowski Józef

Łotocki A.

Machabeli Giorgi

Machabeli Nino

Maimonides (Moshe ben Maimon)

Mahmud Ghazan

Makashvili (Kote) Konstantine

Makashvili Mariam

Makashvili Maro

Mamulaishvili Elene

Mamoulia Georges

Marinovich Daro

Marjanishvili Kote

Martelle George

Marr Niko

Materski Wojciech

Massimiliano Fernanda

Matikashvili N.

Mayer Pastor

Maundrell Henricus

Mecerian Jean

Megreli Dutu (Dimitri Khoshtaria)

Mecerian Hovhannes

Meckelein Richard

Meissner Bruno

Melikishvili-Kruzenstern Mariam

Menelik II (proper name Sahle Maryam)

Mertens A.

Meyer Richard

Mdivani Alex

Mdivani David

Mdivani Mariam

Mdivani Nino

Mdivani Polikarpe (Budu)

Mdivani Rusudan

Mdivani Sergo

Mdivani Simon

Migne Jacuques Paul

Millet Gabriel

Mironowicz A.

Mosidze Alexandre (major)

Muchiashvili Aleko

Murray Mae

Musaeus Giorgi

Nakashidze Giorgi

Nakaszidze Giorgi

Nazar the Metropolitan

Neumann Bernhard

Neyman Aleksandre

Nikitin V.

Nikoladze Jakob

Nikoladze-Makarova Nino

Nikoladze Niko

Nikoladze Ninutsa

Nikoladze Shota

Ninoshvili David

Noroff Abraham

Nozadze Victor

Nutsubidze Shalva

Okropiridze Leonide Catholicos-Patriarch

Oltarzhevsky Fieodosy

O’Neili Ch. E.

Onuphrius Father

Orbeliani Sulkhan-Saba

Paghava Jury

Paliashvili Zakaria

Panayotova-Piguet Dora

Panselinos Manuel

Papava Akaki

Paprocki Henryk

Papuashvili Nodar

Pataridze Elise

Peeters Paul

Peradze Grigol

Peradze Ilia

Peradze Romanoz

Perthes A.

Peter I de Poitiers-Lusignan

Petit Louis

Picot E.

Piłsudski Józef

Pirtskhalava Samson

Plessner Martin

Poltoratskaya Nino

Porcher E.

Procopius of Caesarea

Raabe R.

Raikov R.

Raymond Janin

Reissner Ilma

Renan Ernest

Revishvili Shalva

Rey E.

Ritter Carl.

Robinson E.

Rosetti Alexandru

Rostovtsev M.

Röhricht Rh.

Rufinus

Rustaveli Shota

Sabba of Hegiasmenos Saint

Sabinin Michael-Gobron

Salia K.

Samadalashvili Mariam

Samadalov Alexi

Samuel Judge Saint

Sarjveladze Joseph

Sereschnikoff R.

Sert José Maria

Siamashvli Mania

Siamashvili Vladimer

Siksek George

Silakadze Dimitri

Sinclair Virginia

Sinjikashvili Dimitri

Simeon Stylites

Simeon Stylites the Younger

Siradze Revaz

Shanidze Akaki

Shlenov Dionisij

Socrates Scholastyk

Stiernon D.

Stalin Joseph

Stanimirov Stanimira

Starowieyski Marek

Sturua Evgeni

Sturua Mikheil

Syrku Polichroniy

Tabidze Galaktion

Tarkhnishvili Michael

Tenagne Work

Takaishvili Ekvtime

Tamarati Michel

Tsereteli Akaki

Tsereteli Giorgi

Tsereteli Mikheil (Mikhako)

Tsereteli Svimon

Timotheos Patriarch of Jerusalem

Tikhon (Timothy Sherazadishvili) Skhimonakh

Tischendorff Constantin

Tomaschek J.

Touranjean Jean

Troilo Franz Ferdinand

Troitsky Ivan

Trotsky Lev

Tsintsadze Noe

Tsitskishvili Elise-Suzy

Tsitskishvili Natasha

Tsitskishvili Vaso

Tsulukidze Araiana

Tchumburidze Tamar

Ugrekhelide Vitalis (Taliko)

Urban K.

Uratadze Grigol

Uratadze Medunia

Vakhtang I Gorgasali

Vakhtang VI king of Kartli

Vashakidze (Colonel)

Vachnadze Data

Vachnadze V.

Vachnadze Iv.

Vachnadze Levan

Vakhvakhishvili Tamar

Vincent Louis

Walter J.

Wardrop Marjory Scott

Wardrop Oliver Welch F.

Wesendonk O.

Whitehouse Tamara

Woizero Menen Astaw

Woizero Walatta Israel

Woźniak Andrzej

Zagórski Jerzy

Zaldastanishvili Solomon

Zhghenti Leonti Victor

Zhordania Noe

Zorell F.

Zourabichvili Artchil

Zourabichvili Ivane

Zourabichvili Levan

Zourabichvili Salome

Table of Contents

Strona tytułowa

Okładka

Strona redakcyjna

Biographical Outline of Saint Grigol Peradze

Saint Grigol Peradze Diares

Diary. 26 November 1920‒6 November 1921

the diary 26 November 1920‒6 November 1921

1920

1921

The Path to Victory

Destiny

On My Studies In Germany

Church life. Saint Nino Georgian Emigré Orthodox Community

Georgia’ s Participation In The History Of Spiritual Culture In The Balkans

An Account of The Georgian Monks And Monasteries In Palestine

The Roses Of Jericho.Diary of A Journey Through The Holy Land And Syria

The Diary

Serving Georgian Culture

Bibliography

Abbreviations

Index